Why Zimbabwe State Intelligence Chief Was Sacked

President Emmerson Mnangagwa has dismissed Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) director-general Fulton Mangwanya following escalating internal divisions within the ruling Zanu PF over controversial plans to extend his presidency beyond constitutional limits. Mangwanya, who had held the influential post for just 15 months after his appointment in January last year, was relieved of his duties on […]

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President Emmerson Mnangagwa has dismissed Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) director-general Fulton Mangwanya following escalating internal divisions within the ruling Zanu PF over controversial plans to extend his presidency beyond constitutional limits.

Mangwanya, who had held the influential post for just 15 months after his appointment in January last year, was relieved of his duties on Friday. He has been replaced by Paul Chikawa, Zimbabwe’s former ambassador to China, according to sources familiar with developments.

Insiders say the dismissal follows months of mounting tension within the CIO, largely tied to the agency’s perceived failure to contain growing opposition to proposals aimed at extending Mnangagwa’s term by an additional two years. The president’s current tenure is set to end in 2028, but loyalists have been pushing for constitutional amendments to prolong his stay in power.

At the centre of the fallout is the so-called Geza movement, an anti–term extension campaign initially led by the late Blessing Geza, a former Zanu PF central committee member who died in exile in South Africa in February. Geza had been expelled from the ruling party after spearheading an internal revolt and had used online platforms, including YouTube, to deliver nightly critiques of Mnangagwa and his inner circle.

Following Geza’s death, the movement has reportedly regrouped under war veteran Knox Chivero, who resurfaced publicly earlier this month. His sudden reappearance on Geza’s X account on April 2 is said to have caught intelligence officials off guard, angering senior figures within Mnangagwa’s camp.

“The Knox issue was the last straw,” one source said, describing the CIO’s inability to track Chivero as a critical intelligence failure that ultimately sealed Mangwanya’s fate.

Further pressure came from retired air marshal Henry Muchena, who, on behalf of a group of unnamed former military commanders, issued a strongly worded letter to Parliament opposing the proposed constitutional changes. The amendments reportedly seek to transfer presidential electoral powers from the public to Parliament, permit traditional leaders to participate in politics, and reduce the influence of the military—provisions that contradict the 2013 constitution adopted through a national vote.

Mnangagwa is understood to have demanded the identities of those backing Muchena’s position, including retired generals, war veterans and senior civil servants. However, the CIO allegedly failed to produce the requested intelligence, deepening dissatisfaction within the presidency.

The crisis has also exposed factional tensions within Zanu PF, with some of Mnangagwa’s allies accusing Vice President Constantino Chiwenga of covertly supporting the Geza movement. Chiwenga is widely seen as a potential successor and is believed to oppose the constitutional amendments, which critics argue are designed to block his path to power.

Sources suggest Mangwanya’s adherence to professional intelligence standards may have further strained his relationship with key figures in Mnangagwa’s inner circle, who allegedly viewed his stance as disloyalty.

His removal marks a significant shift within Zimbabwe’s security establishment, underscoring the intensifying political contestation over the country’s leadership succession.

Source – The Standard

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Why Zimbabwe State Intelligence Chief Was Sacked

President Emmerson Mnangagwa has dismissed Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) director-general Fulton Mangwanya following escalating internal divisions within the ruling Zanu PF over controversial plans to extend his presidency beyond constitutional limits. Mangwanya, who had held the influential post for just 15 months after his appointment in January last year, was relieved of his duties on […]

The post Why Zimbabwe State Intelligence Chief Was Sacked appeared first on The Zimbabwe Mail.

President Emmerson Mnangagwa has dismissed Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) director-general Fulton Mangwanya following escalating internal divisions within the ruling Zanu PF over controversial plans to extend his presidency beyond constitutional limits.

Mangwanya, who had held the influential post for just 15 months after his appointment in January last year, was relieved of his duties on Friday. He has been replaced by Paul Chikawa, Zimbabwe’s former ambassador to China, according to sources familiar with developments.

Insiders say the dismissal follows months of mounting tension within the CIO, largely tied to the agency’s perceived failure to contain growing opposition to proposals aimed at extending Mnangagwa’s term by an additional two years. The president’s current tenure is set to end in 2028, but loyalists have been pushing for constitutional amendments to prolong his stay in power.

At the centre of the fallout is the so-called Geza movement, an anti–term extension campaign initially led by the late Blessing Geza, a former Zanu PF central committee member who died in exile in South Africa in February. Geza had been expelled from the ruling party after spearheading an internal revolt and had used online platforms, including YouTube, to deliver nightly critiques of Mnangagwa and his inner circle.

Following Geza’s death, the movement has reportedly regrouped under war veteran Knox Chivero, who resurfaced publicly earlier this month. His sudden reappearance on Geza’s X account on April 2 is said to have caught intelligence officials off guard, angering senior figures within Mnangagwa’s camp.

“The Knox issue was the last straw,” one source said, describing the CIO’s inability to track Chivero as a critical intelligence failure that ultimately sealed Mangwanya’s fate.

Further pressure came from retired air marshal Henry Muchena, who, on behalf of a group of unnamed former military commanders, issued a strongly worded letter to Parliament opposing the proposed constitutional changes. The amendments reportedly seek to transfer presidential electoral powers from the public to Parliament, permit traditional leaders to participate in politics, and reduce the influence of the military—provisions that contradict the 2013 constitution adopted through a national vote.

Mnangagwa is understood to have demanded the identities of those backing Muchena’s position, including retired generals, war veterans and senior civil servants. However, the CIO allegedly failed to produce the requested intelligence, deepening dissatisfaction within the presidency.

The crisis has also exposed factional tensions within Zanu PF, with some of Mnangagwa’s allies accusing Vice President Constantino Chiwenga of covertly supporting the Geza movement. Chiwenga is widely seen as a potential successor and is believed to oppose the constitutional amendments, which critics argue are designed to block his path to power.

Sources suggest Mangwanya’s adherence to professional intelligence standards may have further strained his relationship with key figures in Mnangagwa’s inner circle, who allegedly viewed his stance as disloyalty.

His removal marks a significant shift within Zimbabwe’s security establishment, underscoring the intensifying political contestation over the country’s leadership succession.

Source – The Standard

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Trump threatens Strait of Hormuz blockade after US-Iran ceasefire talks end without agreement

ISLAMABAD — President Donald Trump on Sunday said the U.S. Navy would “immediately” begin a blockade to stop ships from entering or leaving the Strait of Hormuz, after historic U.S.-Iran ceasefire talks in Pakistan ended without an agreement or next diplomatic steps in sight. In his first public comments after the 21-hour talks, Trump sought […]

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ISLAMABAD — President Donald Trump on Sunday said the U.S. Navy would “immediately” begin a blockade to stop ships from entering or leaving the Strait of Hormuz, after historic U.S.-Iran ceasefire talks in Pakistan ended without an agreement or next diplomatic steps in sight.

In his first public comments after the 21-hour talks, Trump sought to exert strategic control over the waterway that was responsible for the shipping of 20% of global oil supplies before the war, hoping to eliminate Iran’s key source of leverage.

A U.S. blockade could further rattle global energy markets and prices for oil, natural gas and related products. It was not immediately clear how it might be carried out, but Trump told Fox News the goal was to ensure all ships could transit: “It’s going to be all or none, and that’s the way it is.”

Trump said he has “instructed our Navy to seek and interdict every vessel in International Waters that has paid a toll to Iran. No one who pays an illegal toll will have safe passage on the high seas.” Other nations would be involved in the blockade, he said, but did not name them.

During the talks, the U.S. military said two destroyers transited the strait ahead of mine-clearing work, a first since the war began. Iran’s state media said the joint military command denied that.

Trump stressed that Tehran’s nuclear ambitions were at the core of the failure to end the war, and the U.S. was ready to “finish up” Iran at the “appropriate moment.” In comments to Fox News, he again threatened to strike civilian infrastructure and said he was fine with his widely criticized threat shortly before the ceasefire announcement that a “whole civilization will die tonight.”

No word on what happens after ceasefire expires

The face-to-face talks that ended earlier Sunday were the highest-level negotiations between the longtime rivals since the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Both delegations later left Islamabad.

Neither indicated what will happen after the 14-day ceasefire expires on April 22. Pakistani mediators urged all parties to maintain it. Each side said their positions were clear and blamed the other.

“We need to see an affirmative commitment that they will not seek a nuclear weapon, and they will not seek the tools that would enable them to quickly achieve a nuclear weapon,” Vice President JD Vance, leading the U.S. side, said afterward.

Iran’s parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, who led Iran’s side, said it was time for the United States “to decide whether it can gain our trust or not.” Iranian officials earlier said talks fell apart over two or three key issues, blaming what they called U.S. overreach.

Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar said his country will try to facilitate a new dialogue in the coming days. Iran said it was open to continuing the dialogue, Iran’s state-run IRNA news agency reported.

The European Union urged further diplomatic efforts. The foreign minister of Oman, on the Strait of Hormuz’ southern coast, called for parties to “make painful concessions.” And the Kremlin said Russian President Vladimir Putin “emphasized his readiness” to help bring about a diplomatic settlement in a call with Iran’s president.

Iran’s nuclear program is a key sticking point

Iran’s nuclear program had been at the center of tensions long before the U.S. and Israel launched the war on Feb. 28. The fighting has killed at least 3,000 people in Iran, 2,020 in Lebanon, 23 in Israel and more than a dozen in Gulf Arab states, and caused lasting damage to infrastructure in half a dozen Middle Eastern countries.

Tehran has long denied seeking nuclear weapons but insisted on its right to a civilian nuclear program. The landmark 2015 nuclear deal took well over a year of negotiations. Experts say Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium, though not weapons-grade, is only a short technical step away.

An Iranian diplomatic official, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of closed-door talks, denied that negotiations had failed over Iran’s nuclear ambitions. “Iran is not seeking to acquire nuclear weapons, but it has the right to nuclear energy for peaceful purposes,” the official said.

Inside Iran, there was fresh exhaustion and anger after months of unrest that had begun with nationwide protests against economic issues and then political ones, and then weeks of sheltering from U.S. and Israeli bombardment.

“We have never sought war. But if they try to win what they failed to win on the battlefield through talks, that’s absolutely unacceptable,” 60-year-old Mohammad Bagher Karami said in Tehran.

More questions as Israel presses ahead in Lebanon

Iran’s 10-point proposal for the talks had called for a guaranteed end to the war, including the end of fighting against Iran’s “regional allies,” explicitly calling for a halt to Israeli strikes on the Iranian-backed Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Israel has said the ceasefire deal did not apply in Lebanon, but Iran and Pakistan said otherwise. Negotiations between Israel and Lebanon are expected to begin Tuesday in Washington after Israel’s surprise announcement authorizing talks despite their lack of official relations.

The day the Iran ceasefire deal was announced, Israel pounded Beirut with airstrikes, killing more than 300 people in the deadliest day in Lebanon since the war began, according to the country’s Health Ministry.

Though Israel’s strikes have calmed in Beirut, its attacks on southern Lebanon have intensified alongside the ground invasion it renewed after Hezbollah launched rockets toward Israel in the war’s opening days.

Lebanon’s state-run National News Agency reported six people were killed Sunday by a strike in Maaroub village near the coastal city of Tyre.

Israel wants Lebanon’s government to assume responsibility for disarming Hezbollah, but the militant group has survived efforts to curb its strength for decades.

Source: AP

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Between war and industrial breakdown: The US-Israeli attrition crisis

THE US–Israeli war on Iran has laid bare a structural crisis at the heart of Washington’s war machine – one that calls into question its ability to sustain prolonged conflict, let alone replenish what it expends. In the opening weeks alone, vast stockpiles of missiles, aircraft, and precision-guided munitions – from Tomahawk and ATACMS to […]

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THE US–Israeli war on Iran has laid bare a structural crisis at the heart of Washington’s war machine – one that calls into question its ability to sustain prolonged conflict, let alone replenish what it expends.

In the opening weeks alone, vast stockpiles of missiles, aircraft, and precision-guided munitions – from Tomahawk and ATACMS to Patriot, THAAD, and Arrow interceptors – were burned through at a staggering pace.

Battlefield attrition is rapidly translating into an industrial reckoning, exposing the limits of US and Israeli capacity to reproduce high-end weaponry at the pace modern war demands.

Firepower without endurance

According to a report issued by the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) on 24 March, the first 16 days of the war saw the use of 11,294 munitions at a direct cost of $26 billion. Reparations could push that figure beyond $50 billion. But the financial toll only tells part of the story.

In the first 96 hours alone, coalition forces launched 5,197 munitions across 35 categories – one of the most intense air campaigns in modern warfare. The scale of consumption quickly overwhelmed the logic of industrial replenishment.

Air defense systems bore the brunt. US and Gulf batteries fired 943 Patriot interceptors in just four days – roughly equivalent to 18 months of production. THAAD systems followed a similar trajectory, with 145 missiles expended, consuming more than a third of the estimated stockpiles.

On the Israeli side, the pressure was even sharper. Arrow interceptor reserves dropped by more than half within the same period. Rebuilding that stockpile could take nearly 32 months. What initially appeared as heavy usage rapidly revealed itself as a structural imbalance.

The cost of those first four days alone ranged between $10bn and $16bn, rising to $20bn when factoring in aircraft and system losses. Worse still, degradation of radar and satellite infrastructure reduced interception efficiency, forcing operators to fire multiple missiles at single targets – in some cases up to 11 interceptors for one incoming threat.

Strategic weapons, empty warehouses

Offensive systems followed the same pattern. In the opening phase, 225 ATACMS and PrSM missiles were fired – core assets designed for deep precision strikes. Alongside them, more than 500 Tomahawk cruise missiles were launched over 16 days.

Replenishing those Tomahawks alone could take up to 53 months – more than four years of uninterrupted production. In practical terms, this means the US cannot replicate the same level of sustained bombardment in any near-term confrontation.

JASSM-ER missiles (precision-guided air-to-ground missiles), each costing over $1 million, were used in large numbers against Iranian radar and communications nodes. Their production cycles depend on advanced electronic components already under strain from global supply bottlenecks. HARM anti-radiation missiles were also heavily deployed, eating into stockpiles originally intended for the European theater.

Precision came at a strategic cost. Every successful strike depleted assets that cannot be quickly replaced.

The use of eight GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrators in the first 96 hours – nearly a quarter of available inventory – underscored the intensity of the opening assault on hardened Iranian facilities. Thousands of JDAM kits followed, draining stocks of the guidance systems that convert conventional bombs into precision weapons.

Small-diameter bombs were used in what the report described as near “suicidal” quantities, particularly against mobile launchers. Meanwhile, bunker-busting BLU-109 bombs were expended continuously, pushing global inventories toward depletion within two weeks.

When air superiority breaks

The downing of an F-15E Strike Eagle inside Iranian territory on 3 April marked a turning point. It shattered the assumption of uncontested air dominance and revealed the cascading costs of even a single tactical loss.

The incident triggered a complex rescue operation that quickly spiraled. Alongside the destroyed fighter jet, an A-10 Thunderbolt II was lost, helicopters were hit, and additional assets were damaged or abandoned.

At the peak of the operation, US forces destroyed two MC-130 transport aircraft and four special operations helicopters to prevent their capture. MQ-9 drones were also shot down, adding to the tally.

Direct losses from this single incident exceeded $500 million. But the real cost lies elsewhere.

The rescue mission involved 155 aircraft, hundreds of personnel, and stretched over two days inside hostile territory. To recover a single crew, Washington expended vast operational resources, exposing a deeper vulnerability: high-value platforms can trigger disproportionate losses when confronted with layered defenses.

Iranian air defenses also reportedly struck an F-35 and downed multiple drones, while friendly fire incidents added further strain. Superiority, once assumed, is now conditional.

Supply chains as the new battlefield

US war spending surpassed $45 billion within just over a month, according to tracking data based on Pentagon reporting to Congress. Daily costs eventually reached $1 billion.

Yet the more consequential crisis lies not in expenditure, but in production.

Rebuilding munitions used in the first four days alone requires 92 tons of copper, 137 kilograms of neodymium, 18 kilograms of gallium, 37 kilograms of tantalum, seven kilograms of dysprosium, and 600 tons of ammonium perchlorate – a critical component for solid-fuel rockets.

The US depends on a single domestic source for ammonium perchlorate. At the same time, China dominates global supply chains, controlling 98 percent of gallium production, 90 percent of neodymium processing, and 99 percent of dysprosium.

Rebuilding just the first four days of munitions expenditure alone would require tens of tons of critical minerals and hundreds of tons of rocket propellant inputs, tying any recovery effort directly to these constrained supply chains.

Military power is now tethered to geoeconomic realities beyond Washington’s control, turning industrial recovery into a strategic vulnerability. Replenishment runs up against supply chains shaped by global resource flows that sit firmly outside the Atlanticist sphere.

In practical terms, this means that even unlimited funding cannot accelerate production without access to these materials, placing a hard ceiling on how quickly stockpiles can be rebuilt.

The cost imbalance trap

Beyond sheer consumption, the war exposes a deeper flaw in how interception works.

Air defense systems rely on expensive interceptors to neutralize low-cost threats. Iranian drones and missiles, often built at a fraction of the cost, have pushed the US and its allies into an unsustainable exchange ratio.

Even as Iranian attack rates dropped by 80 to 90 percent after the opening phase, pressure did not ease. Daily barrages of roughly 33 missiles and 94 drones continued to drain defensive stockpiles.

Close-in systems like C-RAM fired over 509,500 rounds at a cost of just $25 million, while interceptor missiles consumed at least $19 billion. This imbalance forces advanced militaries to burn through their most sophisticated systems far faster than their adversaries can replace losses, unless viable “cheap defeat” options are developed.

An industrial base that cannot surge

The structure of the US defense industry compounds the problem. Despite rising demand, production has not meaningfully increased.

Defense contractors remain hesitant to expand capacity without guaranteed long-term contracts. Repeated cycles of political promises followed by funding reversals have left industry wary of overcommitting.

Key facilities, such as the Holston Army Ammunition Plant – the backbone of US ammonium perchlorate production – operate under fixed capacity, exposing a critical bottleneck at the heart of the US missile supply chain.

The consequences extend far beyond the Iran theater. Every missile fired here reduces Washington’s ability to project power elsewhere.

The depletion of more than 500 Tomahawks, alongside dwindling interceptor reserves, weakens US deterrence across multiple fronts – from East Asia to Eastern Europe. The war imposes a “second front tax,” forcing the US to choose between sustaining current operations and preserving its broader deterrence posture.

A myth unraveling

The war on Iran strips away the illusion of limitless western military superiority. Technological advantage remains, but it no longer guarantees endurance.

Missiles can hit their targets. Aircraft can penetrate defenses. But without the industrial capacity to sustain operations, every strike draws down future capability.

This war exposes the limits of US-Israeli power and points to a new strategic equation, where industrial resilience outweighs firepower. The ability to sustain production, rather than deliver precision strikes, increasingly defines military power in a prolonged conflict.

In that equation, Washington is no longer dominant.

Source: The Cradle

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Zimbabwe’s Controversial Constitutional Amendment Bill Heads to Parliament for Debate

HARARE – Zimbabwe’s proposed Constitution Amendment (No. 3) Bill is set to enter the next legislative phase, with Parliament preparing to scrutinise the draft law following the conclusion of nationwide public hearings. The consultations were conducted in line with Section 141 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, which requires Parliament to ensure public participation and stakeholder […]

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HARARE – Zimbabwe’s proposed Constitution Amendment (No. 3) Bill is set to enter the next legislative phase, with Parliament preparing to scrutinise the draft law following the conclusion of nationwide public hearings.

The consultations were conducted in line with Section 141 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, which requires Parliament to ensure public participation and stakeholder engagement in the law-making process.

Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ziyambi Ziyambi confirmed that the Bill will soon be tabled for debate once the constitutionally mandated 90-day period has elapsed.

“Consultations are still ongoing and Parliament is still receiving written submissions even though oral hearings were concluded. The relevant committees are now collating the data and producing a report on the consultations,” he said.

Minister Ziyambi explained that the process will move to the second reading stage after May 18, where he will outline the objectives, rationale and provisions of the Bill before Members of Parliament.

Following this, parliamentary committees will present reports based on public input, after which debate will be opened to all legislators. The Bill will then proceed to the committee stage, where MPs will analyse it clause by clause, making amendments where necessary.

Once deliberations are complete, the proposed law will be subjected to a vote requiring a two-thirds majority for passage. If approved, it will move to the Senate for a similar process before being finalised.

The Bill proposes sweeping changes to Zimbabwe’s governance framework. Among the key provisions are extending the presidential term from five to seven years, and introducing a system where the President is elected by a joint sitting of Parliament rather than through a direct public vote.

Other proposed changes include the establishment of a new Zimbabwe Electoral Delimitation Commission, transferring oversight of the voters’ roll to the Registrar-General, and granting the President authority to appoint an additional 10 senators.

The developments mark a significant step in Zimbabwe’s ongoing constitutional reform process, with the outcome of parliamentary debate expected to shape the country’s political landscape in the years ahead.

Source – Sunday Mail

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