GOVT SLAMMED OVER MAJAIVANA IS DEAD BOOB

ARTISTES are up in arms with the Primary and Secondary
Education ministry over a commissioned textbook which it implies that musician
Lovemore Majaivana is dead.

Titled Best Approach to Visual and Performing Arts, the
book is for Grade 3 learners …

ARTISTES are up in arms with the Primary and Secondary Education ministry over a commissioned textbook which it implies that musician Lovemore Majaivana is dead. Titled Best Approach to Visual and Performing Arts, the book is for Grade 3 learners and it is currently being used in schools. It was published by Priority Projects Publishing (PPP) and commissioned by the government. Majaivana

New farm size regulations in Zimbabwe: can they encourage land redistribution?

Source: New farm size regulations in Zimbabwe: can they encourage land redistribution? | zimbabweland In mid-February, the Government of Zimbabwe issued a new set of farm size regulations, arguing that this would release new land for land reform. This announcement arrived out of the blue and came as a surprise to many. Was this a new […]

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Source: New farm size regulations in Zimbabwe: can they encourage land redistribution? | zimbabweland

In mid-February, the Government of Zimbabwe issued a new set of farm size regulations, arguing that this would release new land for land reform. This announcement arrived out of the blue and came as a surprise to many. Was this a new attempt to rationalise land holdings following the 2000 land reform? Was this the implementation phase of the national audit starting? Was this a political move to deal with large holdings accumulated by the previous regime? Why now, and what impact would it have?

Despite the press claims that this was a big, bold new move, a closer look at the new regulations suggests that actually things haven’t changed that much. The 1999 regulations were marginally adjusted in 2000, and this was a further minimal, slightly random, adjustment, as the table below shows.

Natural region 2000 regulations 2020 regulations
I 250 250
II 350/400 IIa/b 500
III 500 700
IV 1500 1000
V 2000 2000

 

Within land policy, farm size regulations demonstrate a policy commitment to redistribution, avoiding massive consolidations and huge, under-utilised farms. In theory that is. As an administrative tool they are only as effective as the land administration system; and unfortunately in Zimbabwe this is not very effective.

In practice land allocations since land reform in 2000 have been ad hoc and at the discretion of land officers and committees at the district level. Exceptions are regularly made. In many respects, having such flexibility makes much sense. A simple centralised system cannot deal with local variations and contingencies. It can only be a guide. The problem comes when such flexibilities are exploited by those in power; maintaining large or multiple farms, for example, and so excluding others from access to land.

Prosper Matondi of Ruzivo Trust has provided a useful draft paper on the recent regulations, helpfully facilitating debate. He points out the huge variation in actual allocations as against the formal regulations (Table 4.1 in the paper), based on the government’s own audit data. In our sites, a similar story applies. There are 16 (of 817) A2 farms in Masvingo province that exceed the ceilings (12 in Mwenezi in Region V – all huge livestock/wildlife ranches – and 4 in Gutu/Masvingo districts in Region III/IV) and there are 11 (of 700) A2 farms over 500 ha in Mazowe district. How many might be deemed suitable for subdivision for (small-scale) agriculture is very unclear.

So will the new regulations really have any effect?

Land ceiling regulations are a very blunt instrument in land policy. They have been intensely controversial internationally over many decades. From the 1960s in India they were implemented across the country, aiming to break up the zamindari system of large holdings. Different states took different approaches, and outcomes were varied. Today, there are some who believe they have become a constraint, particularly for smaller farmers aiming to grow. Technological change in irrigation in particular has made the assumptions behind the original reforms problematic too.

In South Africa, an attempt to set land ceilings in 2017 through a new Bill fell by the way-side, and many were extremely critical of the process. Apartheid era legislation preventing farm subdivision extraordinarily is still in force, notionally protecting the ‘viability’ of large-scale farms. The 2019 land panel has argued strongly for a rethink, both on subdivision and a renewed effort to impose ceilings, linked to land taxation – with high levels beyond the ceilings to encourage the market-based release of land. Maybe this a route for Zimbabwe to follow too?

However, there is an even more basic question raised: what are the appropriate sizes for expropriation or taxation legislation? What sizes for what conditions make sense? This is the tricky part. In the colonial era, policy on land sizes also existed, but was racialized. The original assumption was that a white farmer needed land that would produce an income equivalent of a senior (white) civil servant in government. So-called Native Purchase Areas were established in the 1930s to create a yeoman class of African farmer, but were considerably smaller (averaging under 100 ha) than white commercial farms. Other blacks meanwhile were deemed to require less land – indeed land apportionment legislation was geared of course to ensuring that land was sufficiently small and poor in the ‘reserves’ that labour was released for the rest of the (white) economy.

What was deemed ‘viable’ was also influenced by the planning models on optimal production in different agroecological regions. This again linked to a bunch of assumptions, influenced by a particular idea of (white commercial) farming. The famous agroecological ‘Natural Region’ map, produced in 1961 by Vincent and Thomas, identifies what should be produced in each region. In the drier regions it was only extensive livestock, unless there was irrigation, for example. Of course there is plenty of cropping in Masvingo and Matabeleland provinces: it’s not ‘optimal’ as far as the assessment goes, but it’s necessary for the livelihoods of many.

As Ben Cousins and I showed in a paper a while back, ideas of ‘viability’ are therefore highly contested, conditioned by politics and assumptions about production, and (ideologically-inflected) visions of what a farm and farmer should be. What is viable for one type of farmer (say with off-farm income earning options) may not be viable for another. And ideas of what is optimal cannot be generalised either. Much depends on levels of investment (irrigation for example), land formation and topography (large areas with huge granite outcrops are not the same as large areas with levelled, high quality irrigable land), and how the land can be used (including market potential). Just saying that, in a region defined by average rainfall (what is that these days, with such variability anyway?), a maximum land size should be X really doesn’t make sense.

This is why local adaptations of national farm size regulations are essential, but they must be based on a sound and transparent administrative process. This is why building a wider land administration system in Zimbabwe is essential and just issuing edicts through new regulations will change little.

This post was written by Ian Scoones and first appeared on Zimbabweland

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Zanu PF bashes MDC in Chimanimani election…Chamisa’s MDC bites the dust

Zanu PF has retained the Chimanimani Ward 16 after its candidate, Cde Charles Chinamira polled 1589 votes against MDC Alliance’s Mr Erasmus Murada’s 231 votes. Zimbabwe Elections Commission election officer, Mr Godfrey Machowa confirmed the…

Zanu PF has retained the Chimanimani Ward 16 after its candidate, Cde Charles Chinamira polled 1589 votes against MDC Alliance’s Mr Erasmus Murada’s 231 votes. Zimbabwe Elections Commission election officer, Mr Godfrey Machowa confirmed the results of the by-election held in Chimanimani yesterday. The seat fell vacant following the death of Cde Tendai Nyabanga who […]

Cyclone Idai: One year on, Zimbabwe survivors losing hope

Source: Cyclone Idai: One year on, Zimbabwe survivors losing hope | Zimbabwe News | Al Jazeera Communities displaced by devastating storm still living in dire conditions amid funding gaps for key reconstruction. Kelvin Charamba with his daughters inside the tent the family has lived in for the past year [Tendai Marima/Al Jazeera]   Chimanimani, Zimbabwe […]

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Source: Cyclone Idai: One year on, Zimbabwe survivors losing hope | Zimbabwe News | Al Jazeera

Communities displaced by devastating storm still living in dire conditions amid funding gaps for key reconstruction.

Kelvin Charamba with his daughters inside the tent the family has lived in for the past year [Tendai Marima/Al Jazeera]
Kelvin Charamba with his daughters inside the tent the family has lived in for the past year [Tendai Marima/Al Jazeera]

Chimanimani, Zimbabwe – Clusters of white tarpaulin tents dot the green forest slopes of Zimbabwe‘s northeastern town of Chimanimani, home to hundreds of people who have been displaced since Cyclone Idai struck these mountainous highlands on March 15 and 16 last year.

Since then, Kelvin Charamba, 35, has shared his tented quarters with his mother, his wife and their five children at Garikai settlement camp on the edge of the town, where frustration over the cramped living conditions is growing.

“These tents were meant to last for three months, but we’ve been here for almost a year since [end of March 2019] – when it rains these tents can’t protect us,” Charamba said.

Struggling to make ends meet after their belongings were crushed by a cascade of rocks, Charamba and his family, like many others, are increasingly irked at the government’s slow pace in relocating them to a new settlement.

“We are always on edge, careful about our security because there are so many thieves here, people just walk into tents and take what they find. How can we be expected to live like this?”

Severe underfunding

One of the worst tropical storms to hit southern Africa, Idai affected an estimated 2.6 million in Mozambique, Malawi, Madagascar and Zimbabwe.

However, a year since Cyclone Idai hit the region, the limited funding of the climate shock response has slowed the recovery process, with humanitarian and local government efforts to relocate displaced people and repair damaged public infrastructure in both Zimbabwe and Mozambique marked by delays.

In a statement on Friday, Amnesty International criticised the lack of international funding assistance, saying that less than half of the $450m needed for relief and recovery in Zimbabwe and Mozambique has been secured, with just over $40,000 committed in the first three months of 2020.

“Given the dire situation in the countries and the responsibilities for the climate crisis, wealthier states and multilateral donors need to pledge more than they have done and ensure money reaches those who need it,” it said.

In Mozambique’s Sofala province, the most damaged province in the worst-hit country, the United Nations warned that vital support for 525,000 people working on post-Idai recovery projects is at risk of a complete halt.

Last month, funding shortfalls forced the World Food Programme to halve food rations for 525,000 people in Sofala, the UN agency said.Godfrey Muparingwe in a makeshift kitchen where he and his family prepare meals. [Tendai Marima/Al Jazeera]

Godfrey Muparingwe in a makeshift kitchen where he and his family prepare meals. [Tendai Marima/Al Jazeera]

In Zimbabwe, the initially ample food, cash and clothing donations have now become rare occurrences in the displacement camps, residents say. And when they do happen, they do not meet the needs of families, particularly those living with sick relatives.

Residents of the Garikai settlement, the largest of three displacement camps in Chimanimani with more than 370 people, know all too well what cutbacks in donor funding mean for their daily life.

Charamba’s mother, 68-year-old Khesiwe Ndlovu, still limps around with a swollen ankle sustained from the cyclone. She complained that the dwindling donations mean she has to accept irregular dosages of critical medication she could not afford otherwise.

Meanwhile, Godfrey Muparingwe, 51, a plumber, who lost his mother on Friday due to a long-term illness, found looking after an invalid one of the toughest challenges of displacement.

“It was a huge problem to live with her, most of the time my wife had to carry her wherever she needed to go when I had to go to work. It was easier in a house, we had more help, but in these tents, it was a big struggle. There was nothing else we could do, we just had to accept that was the situation,” he said.

Charity Mudimu has been issued a new stand number but she is doubtful she could move to the area anytime soon. [Tendai Marima/Al Jazeera]
Charity Mudimu has been issued a new stand number but she is doubtful she could move to the area any time soon. [Tendai Marima/Al Jazeera]

Joshua Sacco, the parliamentarian for Chimanimani, said relocating the cyclone survivors to a more permanent place was necessary – but urged patience.

According to Sacco, three possible farms have been identified for relocation, but the government lacks the funding to demarcate housing stands on the farm, build roads and provide infrastructure such as water and electricity.

“People indicated they want to be allocated stands, but we don’t have the capacity to do this immediately. We are trying to engage our partners but people must be patient,” he said.

But some like Charity Mudimu, 57, who said she was recently issued a stand number, are now jaded by the seemingly endless bureaucracy and express doubts of the government’s sincerity.

“They told us we’ll be moved soon and but when I went to ask about it, the district administrator said just because I have a stand number it doesn’t mean the stand is there yet,” Mudimu said.

“I have to wait for land to be cleared and portioned out, but nobody can tell me when this will happen or how long we must wait. What if the stand is given away and we’re just left to continue suffering in these tents,” she lamented.

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