Reason, logic, facts die in clash with populists over migration

Source: Reason, logic, facts die in clash with populists over migration Standard Bank chief executive Sim Tshabalala was in full throttle at the Kgalema Motlanthe Foundation Winter Seminar in Johannesburg a week ago, explaining why the tide of anti-immigrant sentiment raging through South Africa was terrible for the country. His central argument was that immigration […]

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Source: Reason, logic, facts die in clash with populists over migration

Standard Bank chief executive Sim Tshabalala was in full throttle at the Kgalema Motlanthe Foundation Winter Seminar in Johannesburg a week ago, explaining why the tide of anti-immigrant sentiment raging through South Africa was terrible for the country. His central argument was that immigration is a plus for economies, and quoted from authoritative studies to drive the point home.

One of these was a 2025 meta-analysis that looked at 41 international studies and concluded that “immigration has a statistically significant positive impact on the economic performance of receiving countries” and that “immigration tends to reduce unemployment rather than increase it”.

Tshabalala asserted that this “makes economic sense” because migrants are not only workers but they are also “consumers, tenants, commuters, savers, borrowers, traders and entrepreneurs. They increase demand for goods while also contributing labour. They rent accommodation, purchase food, use transport, pay school fees, establish businesses and create employment opportunities. In many cases they fill skills shortages, strengthen commercial relationships and deepen links between the countries from which they originate and those in which they now live.”

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He continued that migrants also “contribute to public finances”, with the formally employed ones paying income tax while those outside formal employment contribute by paying VAT on their regular purchases.

“The argument that migrants weaken government’s ability to serve citizens is therefore not supported by available evidence,” Tshabalala argued.

Speaking at the same event, MTN chair Mcebisi Jonas took the same line, cautioning South Africans not to place the blame for their woes on migrants since this country’s “economic crisis is the product of weak growth, poor governance, inadequate education outcomes, infrastructure failures and structural inequality. If every foreign national left the country tomorrow, those problems would remain. In many respects they would become worse.”

For his part, Motlanthe told the gathering that the anti-migrant sentiment was “historically ironic” because “South Africa’s modern economy was quite literally dug out of the ground by migrants… Those migrants, or their forebears, helped build the economy that now debates their admission.”

The seminar, which was themed around migration in the wake of the heightened debate and sometimes violent outbursts on the subject in recent months, had lots of similar opinions being expressed by participants. These are sentiments you cannot argue with. They are all correct. That is what the facts say. That is what history tells us. That is the message that data conveys. And that is how logical people should interpret the facts.

But listening to these three leaders’ incisive comments, this lowly newspaperman just shook his head. Not in disagreement but in despair at the yawning gap in this migration conversation. “Dialogue among equals” is the overarching motif of the foundation’s public conversations, hosted around challenges facing the nation and the world at any particular moment. However, the conversation around migration has long ceased to be a dialogue among equals. One does not fault the three gentlemen or anyone else who has tried to talk sense on this subject, but the reality is that we are talking past each other. This is the kind of topic on which reeling out facts, statistics and historical perspective sounds like lecturing the ignorant masses.

One has heard activists, mostly from the left of the political spectrum, essentially talking to themselves as they tried to stem the wave of anti-foreigner feeling in the country. There have been well-researched papers emanating from institutes and respected academics putting forward the case as to why immigration is good for nations. Veterans of the liberation struggle have spoken about the international solidarity that contributed to South Africa’s liberation and our continent’s role in that effort. Contemporary activists try to sensitise the society to exploitative businesses taking shortcuts and encourage communities to rather focus on that rather than the exploited immigrants.

Sober politicians warn about the malign hand of those who manipulate online conversations and have succeeded in influencing elections and referendums around the world. Justice and Constitutional Development Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi, among others, has even suggested that there might be a country that is at the receiving end of South Africa’s International Court of Justice case that could be covertly involved in instigating the protests in order to weaken South Africa’s standing on the continent.

Solid arguments most of these might be, but they are just not landing. The voices of the populists are the ones being heard. When Stats SA says the estimated number of foreign nationals in South Africa – legal and undocumented – is only about three million, the populists put it variously at between 15 million and 30 million. The figure that flies is the latter, with these street statisticians leading people to believe they are being overwhelmed. When the crime stats and conviction rates show that South Africans are responsible for most categories of wrongdoing, the conventional belief that foreigners are responsible for most unlawful activity is the one that holds.

If you show that many foreigners possess blue-collar skills that our education system has failed us in, you are chased out of the town hall. There are countless more examples of incidents where disinformation and hyperbole trump fact.

So this is definitely not a dialogue among equals. There are two dialogues: one among the converted who are heard by the better-off in society and the other among the populists who reach the people most likely to be convinced by tales of their lives being upended by outsiders. Those at the bottom of the socioeconomic pyramid are more likely to buy the tale that the long queues at public health facilities, the pressure on classroom placements, the unemployment rate and rampant crime are the result of outsiders encroaching on their space. But it does not stop there. Their (hard-) lived experiences are transmitted to their middle- to upper-class relatives and associates who then also perpetuate the myths. The catchphrase that elites do not understand because they live in leafy neighbourhoods then becomes a way of shutting off any reasoning.

Let’s accept: reason, logic and facts are the losers in this debate. They were the losers in the Brexit referendum that Tshabalala referenced in his speech as having cost the UK dearly in the years since the country left the European Union. If reason and logic were to have prevailed, Donald Trump would not have got any of his two terms in the White House, let alone achieve the runaway victory the second time around. The forward surge of right-wing parties in Europe would not be happening if citizens were listening to the logic of what awaits them if they head in that direction. Japan, which has an ageing population and whose economy desperately needs foreign labour, would not be embracing the ultra-nativist Sanseitō party that wants to limit the flow of migrants into the country.

There has to be a different approach to dousing these fires. It certainly can’t be ONLY about preaching to people about the benefits of migration, busting the myth about migrants taking their opportunities and crowding them out of services or being responsible for all that is bad in their lives. That just comes across as talking down to the masses and they will shut their ears. A new conversation has to have empathy for their feelings without pandering to xenophobic tendencies. We should do so without giving up on the facts. It will be a fine balance and will be a lot more difficult, but easy routes are for the populists. And they have already taken that easy route and are winning. DM

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ZANU PF Sweeps 4 Council By-Elections 

Source: ZANU PF Sweeps 4 Council By-Elections ⋆ Pindula News ZANU PF has won all four council by-elections held on Saturday, 1 August 2026, in Victoria Falls and Mutare, with official results showing that divided independent candidates handed the ruling party victory in three of the four wards. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) released the […]

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Source: ZANU PF Sweeps 4 Council By-Elections ⋆ Pindula News

ZANU PF has won all four council by-elections held on Saturday, 1 August 2026, in Victoria Falls and Mutare, with official results showing that divided independent candidates handed the ruling party victory in three of the four wards.

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) released the results of the polls late on Saturday.

In Mutare Municipality Ward 3, ZANU PF’s Portia Gwinjai was declared duly elected councillor. According to the declaration of the results of the poll by Ward Elections Officer Progress Dhliwayo, Gwinjai polled 760 votes.

Her closest challenger, Innocent Mandava, an independent, polled 426 votes, while Farai Arutura, also independent, got 95 votes and Edward Mukambura of the MDC got 76 votes. There were 17 rejected ballot papers, and the percentage poll was 26.5 per cent.

In this ward, ZANU PF won with an outright majority. Even combined, the two independents and the MDC candidate polled 597 votes, 163 votes fewer than Gwinjai.

In Victoria Falls Municipality Ward 11, ward elections officer Sibangani Dube declared that George Mhlanga of ZANU PF was elected with 736 votes. Daniel Moyo, an independent, was runner-up with 211 votes.

In Ward 10, Victoria Falls, Thindolie Sibanda of ZANU PF won with 291 votes, according to Ward Elections Officer Tabitha Tariro Mwonzora.

Sibanda’s main challengers were all independents: Nkanyiso Sibindi with 174 votes, Abel Muzhuzha with 119 votes, Deffin Ndlovu with 16, Prince T. Kagande with 13, Preston Chuma with 9, Ayanda Mathe with 7 and Tonderai Sagambe with 6.

Combined, the independents polled 344 votes, 53 more than the ZANU PF candidate, enabling ZANU PF to take the ward on a minority vote. There were 8 rejected ballot papers, and the percentage poll was 28.17 per cent.

In Ward 9, Victoria Falls, the result was even tighter. Tapiwa Kwadu Sibanda of ZANU PF was declared elected with 287 votes, the declaration by Ward Elections Officer Caroline Nyathi shows.

Simbarashe Mathe, independent, polled 150 votes, Vusimuzi Sibanda, independent, polled 115, and Liberty Mudenda, independent, polled 22.

The three independents combined polled exactly 287 votes, the same as the ZANU PF winner, meaning a united opposition candidacy would have forced a tie. There were 2 rejected ballot papers and voter turnout was 27.1 per cent.

The results underline a continued trend in local authority by-elections of low turnout, all four wards polled below 34 per cent, and a fragmented opposition largely made up of independent candidates in the absence of Sengezo Tshabangu’s CCC.

All three Victoria Falls wards became vacant after Tshabangu recalled the three councillors, but he did not field candidates to contest the by-elections.

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What happened on 31 July?

Source: What happened on 31 July? I nearly started this by saying I woke on Friday to the sound of helicopters flying low overhead but to be strictly accurate I actually woke before sunrise and the helicopters only started performing their act when the sun had risen above the horizon. That was probably early enough […]

The post What happened on 31 July? appeared first on Zimbabwe Situation.

Source: What happened on 31 July?

I nearly started this by saying I woke on Friday to the sound of helicopters flying low overhead but to be strictly accurate I actually woke before sunrise and the helicopters only started performing their act when the sun had risen above the horizon. That was probably early enough to deter anyone foolhardy enough to venture on the streets of Mbare.

I am not saying the plan for demonstrations was foolish. In fact, it could be an indicator of the best tactics to follow at this point in our convoluted and disputed history. To justify that I need to suggest the next move, because the one thing everyone is sure of is that an illegitimate president could not suppress our disatisfaction by signing an unconstitutional Bill and bribing the Fat People’s Party in parliament to cheer his action.

So what is the next step? Here is my humble suggestion:

We should declare that there will be a real nationwide protest on the 31st day of each month that is that long until our voices are heard.

This starts for the observation that the people most inconvenienced by the outcome of our appeal the last time were the police, CIO and any military who might have been called on; they were the ones who had all their leave cancelled for a long weekend to counter a disturbance that did not happen. Add other interested parties who may feel frustrated, such as the rehabilitated private militias who have been training for a fight which did not occur.

So what can we expect to happen in August?

About 27th police and CIO have all their leave for some days including 31st cancelled; their afiliated thugs are put on maximum alert.

On 31st we repeat our inactivity of 31 July

Police, CIO and affiliates are slightly more disgruntled than they were in July.

In October, there is a repeat of 31 July and 31 August

Police, CIO and affiliates are slightly less gruntled

In October, there is a repeat of 31 July and 31 August

Police, CIO and affiliates are slightly less gruntled.

In December, there is a repeat of 31 July, 31 August and 31 October

Police, CIO and affiliates are rather less gruntled than on previous occasions.

In January, there is another repeat

Police, CIO and affiliates are even less gruntled.

In March . . . . well, you know the answer. Maybe someone remembers the story of the shepherd boy who thought it was a great joke to shout “Wolf! A wolf is attacking the sheep!” so the police, CIO and any other ragtag remnants accept their loss of leave, but very reluctantly

Maybe before this date, or on a 31st day of some subsequent month, the police and CIO go on strike and the affiliates have not sharpened their knives or polished their clubs. They say “to hell with the shepherd boy”. . .

They are likely to lose patience faster than we do, because they have been losing something they and their families valued, while we are comfortable doing nothing.

I look forward to the morning when the helicopters let me sleep long after sunrise.

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The US$1.7 million offer: Prophet Makandiwa and his wife to get US$1 million cash, 2026 Rolls-Royce Cullinan & Mercedes-Benz G-Wagon

The Prophet and the Philanthropist: Inside Wicknell Chivayo’s Multi-Million Dollar Pledge to Emmanuel Makandiwa HARARE – In a display of wealth that has come to define the contemporary Zimbabwean social and religious landscape, flamboyant busines…

The Prophet and the Philanthropist: Inside Wicknell Chivayo’s Multi-Million Dollar Pledge to Emmanuel Makandiwa HARARE – In a display of wealth that has come to define the contemporary Zimbabwean social and religious landscape, flamboyant businessman Wicknell Chivayo has officially pledged a staggering US$1 million in cash, alongside a fleet of ultra-luxury vehicles, to the founder […]

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Why Is Canada Still Sanctioning Zimbabwe as Caledonia’s Blanket Mine Dominates Gold Production?

HARARE — While Zimbabwe’s diplomatic re-engagement campaign has yielded significant breakthroughs with the United States and the European Union, one Western country has remained largely unmoved. Nearly two decades after imposing sanctions in response to Zimbabwe’s 2008 political crisis, Canada continues to maintain targeted sanctions against dozens of Zimbabwean individuals and several entities, despite profound […]

The post Why Is Canada Still Sanctioning Zimbabwe as Caledonia’s Blanket Mine Dominates Gold Production? appeared first on The Zimbabwe Mail.

HARARE — While Zimbabwe’s diplomatic re-engagement campaign has yielded significant breakthroughs with the United States and the European Union, one Western country has remained largely unmoved. Nearly two decades after imposing sanctions in response to Zimbabwe’s 2008 political crisis, Canada continues to maintain targeted sanctions against dozens of Zimbabwean individuals and several entities, despite profound political, diplomatic and economic changes since then.

The divergence has raised fresh questions about the coherence of Western sanctions policy towards Zimbabwe, particularly as Canadian-linked mining interests continue to expand operations in the country and other Western governments recalibrate their approach.

An Outlier Among Western Allies

Canada introduced its Zimbabwe sanctions regime on 4 September 2008 under the Special Economic Measures Act (SEMA) following the disputed 2008 elections and political violence. The measures imposed asset freezes, financial restrictions and prohibitions on dealing with designated individuals and organisations associated with the Zimbabwean government.

Today, the sanctions list still contains many prominent Zimbabwean political, military and business figures from that period, including President Emmerson Mnangagwa, Vice President Constantino Chiwenga, Grace Mugabe, former Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono, former ministers, military commanders and state-linked entities.

The list also continues to include former President Robert Gabriel Mugabe, who died in 2019, alongside several other individuals who have since passed away, retired from public office or no longer hold positions within government.

The continued inclusion of deceased individuals and former office holders has prompted questions over whether Canada’s sanctions regime has kept pace with Zimbabwe’s changing political landscape.

Washington Changed Course

The United States substantially altered its Zimbabwe sanctions policy in March 2024.

President Joe Biden formally terminated the long-standing Zimbabwe sanctions programme established under Executive Order authorities dating back more than two decades. As a result, all individuals and entities previously designated solely under that programme were removed from those sanctions.

However, Washington simultaneously imposed targeted Global Magnitsky sanctions against a much smaller number of Zimbabwean individuals and entities accused of corruption or serious human rights abuses, signalling that the United States had shifted from broad country-specific sanctions to a globally applicable accountability framework.

The US Treasury also indicated that investigations into historical violations of the former sanctions regime could continue where appropriate.

European Union Ends Most Restrictions

The European Union has likewise dismantled most of its Zimbabwe sanctions architecture.

After more than twenty years of travel bans, asset freezes and diplomatic restrictions, Brussels has progressively removed nearly all targeted sanctions, maintaining only a limited arms embargo and narrowly defined restrictions.

The EU’s decision reflected an acknowledgement that broad sanctions had become increasingly disconnected from Zimbabwe’s evolving political environment and that engagement offered greater prospects for influencing governance and economic reform.

The policy shift has been welcomed in Harare as an important milestone in Zimbabwe’s diplomatic re-engagement strategy.

Canada’s Position Remains Unchanged

Against this backdrop, Canada’s sanctions policy has remained remarkably static.

Ottawa still maintains one of the largest lists of designated Zimbabwean individuals among Western nations. The list includes politicians, military officers, security officials, civil servants, businesspeople and several state-linked organisations first designated in 2008.

Critics argue that maintaining sanctions against individuals who have died, retired or exited public life raises legitimate questions about the periodic review mechanisms built into Canada’s sanctions framework.

Supporters of the measures, however, contend that sanctions remain an important foreign policy instrument until Canada determines that conditions warrant their removal.

Canadian Business Continues Operating in Zimbabwe

The sanctions also present an apparent contradiction in Canada’s broader economic relationship with Zimbabwe.

One of Zimbabwe’s largest gold producers, Caledonia Mining Corporation, is a Canadian-linked mining company listed on North American exchanges. The company owns a 64 percent interest in Blanket Gold Mine in Matabeleland North Province, approximately 75 kilometres north of Bulawayo.

Blanket Mine has become Zimbabwe’s largest producing gold mine by output and forms the foundation of Caledonia’s Zimbabwe portfolio.

The company is also advancing the large-scale Bilboes Gold Project while holding exploration interests at Motapa and Maligreen, representing investments worth hundreds of millions of dollars into Zimbabwe’s mining sector.

The continued expansion of Canadian-linked mining investment alongside Canada’s unchanged sanctions policy illustrates the complexity of modern economic diplomacy, where commercial engagement and political restrictions increasingly coexist.

Diplomacy Meets Economic Reality

Zimbabwe has actively pursued a policy of international re-engagement under President Emmerson Mnangagwa, seeking renewed investment, debt resolution, improved diplomatic relations and expanded trade with Western nations.

Although relations with Washington and Brussels have evolved significantly over recent years, Canada’s sanctions policy has remained largely frozen in its 2008 configuration.

Analysts say this creates an unusual diplomatic situation in which one Western ally has substantially modernised its Zimbabwe policy, another has largely dismantled its sanctions regime, while Canada continues to operate under measures introduced during one of Zimbabwe’s most turbulent political periods.

Whether Ottawa intends to undertake a comprehensive review remains unclear. However, as Western governments increasingly compete for investment opportunities, critical minerals and strategic partnerships across Africa, questions are likely to intensify over whether Canada’s Zimbabwe sanctions continue to reflect present-day realities or the political circumstances that existed nearly two decades ago.

Name Date of Birth Sanctions Date
Robert Gabriel Mugabe 1924-02-21 2008-09-04
Joyce Mujuru 1955-04-15 2008-09-04
Flora Buka 1968-02-25 2008-09-04
Chenhamo Chakezha Chimutengwende 1943-08-28 2008-09-04
Patrick Anthony Chinamasa 1947-01-25 2008-09-04
Tongesai Shadreck Chipanga 1946-10-10 2008-09-04
Ignatius Morgan Chiminya Chombo 1952-08-01 2008-09-04
Joseph Mtakwese Made 1954-11-21 2008-09-04
Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa 1946-09-15 2008-09-04
Kembo Campbell Dugishi Mohadi 1949-11-15 2008-09-04
July Gabarari Moyo 1950-05-07 2008-09-04
Obert Moses Mpofu 1951-10-12 2008-09-04
Oppah Chamu Zvipange Muchinguri 1958-12-14 2008-09-04
Simbarashe Simbanenduku Mumbengegwi 1945-07-20 2008-09-04
Herbert Muchemwa Murerwa 1941-07-31 2008-09-04
Christopher Chindoti Mushohwe 1954-02-06 2008-09-04
Ambrose Mutinhiri 1944-02-22 2008-09-04
Francis Dunstan Chenayimoyo Nhema 1959-04-17 2008-09-04
Michael Reuben Nyambuya 1955-07-23 2008-09-04
Sithembiso Gile Gladys Nyoni 1949-09-20 2008-09-04
David Pagwese Parirenyatwa 1950-08-02 2008-09-04
Sydney Tigere Sekeramayi 1944-03-30 2008-09-04
George Charamba 1963-04-04 2008-09-04
Phineas Chihota 1950-11-23 2008-09-04
Abigail Damasane 1952-05-27 2008-09-04
Lazarus Dokora Not listed 2008-09-04
Saviour Kasukuwere 1970-10-23 2008-09-04
Andrew Langa 1965-01-13 2008-09-04
Jaison Max Kokerai Machaya 1952-06-13 2008-09-04
Titus Hatlani Maluleke Not listed 2008-09-04
Reuben Marumahoko 1948-04-04 2008-09-04
Bright Matonga 1969 2008-09-04
Obert Matshalaga 1951-04-21 2008-09-04
Tobaiwa Tonneth Mudede 1942-12-22 2008-09-04
Tracey Mutinhiri Not listed 2008-09-04
Kenneth Kaparadza Mutiwekuziva 1948-05-27 2008-09-04
Abedinico Ncube 1954-10-13 2008-09-04
Hubert Magadzire Nyanhongo Not listed 2008-09-04
Morris Sakabuya Not listed 2008-09-04
Mishek Sibanda Not listed 2008-09-04
Michael Chakanaka Bimha Not listed 2008-09-04
Joseph Chinotimba Not listed 2008-09-04
Tshinga Judge Dube 1941-07-03 2008-09-04
Gideon Gono 1959-11-29 2008-09-04
Munyaradzi Kereke Not listed 2008-09-04
Tafataona P. Mahoso Not listed 2008-09-04
Kenneth Vhundukai Manyonda 1934-08-10 2008-09-04
Jabulani Sibanda 1970-12-31 2008-09-04
Fortune Zefanaya Charumbira 1962-06-10 2008-09-04
Alice Chimbudzi Not listed 2008-09-04
Edna Madzongwe 1943-07-11 2008-09-04
Joshua Malinga 1944-04-28 2008-09-04
Fidelian Maphosa Not listed 2008-09-04
Gilbert Moyo Not listed 2008-09-04
Tsitsi Muzenda Not listed 2008-09-04
George Nyathi Not listed 2008-09-04
Bharat Patel Not listed 2008-09-04
Selina M. Pote Not listed 2008-09-04
Jabulani Tshawe Not listed 2008-09-04
Abu Basutu Not listed 2008-09-04
Happyton Bonyongwe 1960-11-06 2008-09-04
Augustine Chihuri 1953-03-10 2008-09-04
Constantine Chiwenga 1956-08-25 2008-09-04
Thomsen Jangara Not listed 2008-09-04
Musarahana Mabunda Not listed 2008-09-04
Godwin Matanga 1962-02-05 2008-09-04
Elisha Muzonzini 1957-06-24 2008-09-04
Phillip Valentine Sibanda 1956-08-25 2008-09-04
George Chiweshe 1953-06-04 2008-09-04
Marian Chombo 1960-08-11 2008-09-04
Grace Mugabe 1965-07-23 2008-09-04
Tinaye Elisha Chigudu 1942-08-13 2008-09-04
Willard Chiwewe 1949-03-19 2008-09-04
Josaya Dunira Hungwe 1935-11-07 2008-09-04
Cain Ginyilitshe Ndabazekhaya Mathema 1948-01-28 2008-09-04
Rido Mpofu Not listed 2008-09-04
Cesar Zvayi Not listed 2008-09-04

Note: The corporate entities (Cold Comfort Farm Trust Co-Operative, Jongwe Printing and Publishing Company, ZIDCO Holdings, and Zimbabwe Defence Industries Pvt Ltd.)

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