Source: Constitutional Circumvention and the Limits of Amendment Power: Reflections on Zimbabwe’s Constitution Amendment No. 3 Bill – www.iconnectblog.com —Nqobani Nyathi, Zimbabwean lawyer, LLB from the University of Zimbabwe and an LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa) and LLD from the University of Pretoria Introduction Constitutions allocate and limit public power, protect fundamental rights […]
—Nqobani Nyathi, Zimbabwean lawyer, LLB from the University of Zimbabwe and an LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa) and LLD from the University of Pretoria
Introduction
Constitutions allocate and limit public power, protect fundamental rights and establish the framework within which governments govern and people hold them accountable. Their legitimacy depends not only on what they say, but also on how they are amended. When constitutional amendments are hurried, clumsily drafted or driven by narrow political interests, it is not only the constitutional text that suffers. The public’s confidence in constitutional governance is also diminished.
The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 3) Bill (Bill) illustrates that danger. The Bill proposes several changes to the Zimbabwean Constitution including extending the presidential term from five to seven years and allowing that extension to benefit the incumbent.
The Bill has secured the required two-thirds majority in both Houses of Parliament. Following the National Assembly’s approval of the Senate’s amendments on 30 June 2026, the Bill is expected to be presented to the President for assent. In terms of section 131(5) of the Constitution, the Speaker must present the Bill to the President without delay and give public notice of the date on which it was transmitted.
The Bill raises a fundamental constitutional question that extends beyond the wisdom of the proposed amendments themselves. The central issue is whether Parliament may achieve through legislative drafting what the Constitution requires to be done through the constitutional amendment procedure it expressly prescribes.
The constitutional difficulty at the heart of the Bill
The principal constitutional difficulty presented by the Bill is not merely that it extends the incumbent President’s tenure. It is that the Bill attempts to circumvent the constitutional amendment procedure prescribed by the Constitution itself.
Section 328(7) provides, in mandatory language, that an amendment extending the length of time that a person may hold public office ‘does not apply’ to anyone who held that office before the amendment. The provision was included in the 2013 Constitution to prevent incumbents from altering constitutional rules in order to prolong their own tenure.
If Parliament genuinely wished to permit an incumbent President to benefit from an extension of presidential tenure, the Constitution already prescribed the lawful route. It would first have to amend section 328(7), thereby removing or modifying the constitutional prohibition. However, section 328(9) provides that section 328 itself may be amended only by following the procedures set out in subsections (3), (4), (5) and (6). Those procedures include approval through a national referendum. The effect is that any amendment to section 328, including subsection (7), must be subjected to a referendum before it can become law.
The constitutional architecture is therefore deliberate. The framers recognised that incumbents might one day seek to alter the constitutional rules governing their own tenure. They responded by entrenching section 328 itself, ensuring that Parliament alone could not dismantle those safeguards.
The current Bill does not follow that constitutional path. Rather than amend section 328(7), which would inevitably trigger the referendum requirement under section 328(9), it leaves the subsection textually intact while inserting a new provision declaring that, ‘notwithstanding section 328(7),’ the extended presidential term shall apply to the continuation in office of the incumbent President.
That is not innovative drafting. It is an attempt to circumvent the constitutional amendment procedure itself. Constitutional supremacy does not permit Parliament to obtain indirectly what the Constitution requires to be done directly.
The drafting technique cannot disguise the Bill’s constitutional effect. In substance, it achieves precisely what a formal amendment to section 328(7) would have achieved. The only difference is that it seeks to produce that result without complying with the constitutional procedures that the Constitution expressly prescribes. It is, in effect, an attempt to amend section 328(7) without amending it.
The Minister of Justice has consistently argued that the Bill preserves the existing two-term limit. With respect, the constitutional issue is not whether the President remains limited to two terms. It is whether an incumbent may lawfully benefit from an extension of the length of those terms despite the express prohibition contained in section 328(7), while simultaneously avoiding the constitutional procedures required to alter that safeguard.
That is the constitutional defect at the heart of the Bill. Constitutional safeguards cannot be neutralised through legislative drafting. Parliament cannot avoid the amendment procedure prescribed by section 328(9) simply by leaving section 328(7) formally intact while depriving it of legal effect.
Parliament’s failure to protect the Constitution
The ease with which the Bill passed through Parliament despite this apparent constitutional defect is very concerning.
In constitutional democracies founded on constitutional supremacy, such as Zimbabwe, legislatures are more than political institutions responsible for assembling majorities. They are constitutional institutions entrusted with safeguarding the supreme law. Their responsibility is not merely to enact legislation, but to ensure that the laws they pass are consistent with the Constitution.
Measured against that standard, Parliament appears to have fallen short of its constitutional responsibility. A Bill containing provisions that appear to conflict directly with express constitutional safeguards passed both Houses.
The outcome shows that constitutional fidelity was subordinated to political expediency. Yet constitutional democracies depend upon legislatures serving as the first line of defence against unconstitutional law-making. The primary allegiance of Members of Parliament must be to the Constitution rather than to incumbent office holders or transient political interests.
It must be repeated that constitutional majorities do not necessarily produce constitutional outcomes. Constitutionalism exists precisely because even overwhelming political majorities remain subject to constitutional limits. The parliamentary support for Zimbabwe’s Constitution Amendment Bill should therefore not be confused with constitutional legitimacy.
Where to now?
As indicated above, the Bill is expected to be presented to the President for assent.
After receiving the Bill, section 131 of the Constitution then affords the President twenty-one days within which to decide how to proceed.
The President may assent to the Bill, sign it and cause it to be published in the Gazette, whereupon it becomes law. Equally, if he considers the Bill unconstitutional, or has any other reservations about it, section 131(6)(b) authorises him to return it to Parliament together with detailed written reasons requesting that it be reconsidered.
The Constitution does not permit Parliament simply to disregard those objections. The National Assembly must either amend the Bill to accommodate the President’s reservations or pass it again by a two-thirds majority of its total membership. The Bill is then returned to the President.
This is where one of Zimbabwe’s least discussed, yet potentially most significant, constitutional safeguards comes into operation.
If the President continues to harbour constitutional reservations after Parliament has reconsidered the Bill, section 131(8), read together with section 110(2)(b) of the Constitution, gives him two options. He may nevertheless assent to the Bill despite those reservations. Alternatively, he may refer it to the Constitutional Court for advice on its constitutionality.
If the Court advises that the Bill is constitutional, section 131(9) requires the President to assent to it immediately. If it concludes otherwise, Zimbabwe will be spared the consequences of enacting legislation inconsistent with its supreme law and the constitutional uncertainty that would inevitably follow.
This safeguard assumes particular importance because the Bill raises legal questions that extend well beyond ordinary political disagreement.
A referendum cannot cure constitutional circumvention
From the outset, there have been calls for the Bill to be subjected to a referendum. Those calls are understandable. Amendments of this constitutional significance naturally raise questions of direct democratic legitimacy.
The issue in the present case, however, is not simply whether a referendum should be held. It is whether the Bill is constitutionally capable of proceeding in its present form.
As pointed out above, the Constitution itself already prescribes the constitutional route for permitting an incumbent to benefit from an extension of tenure. Parliament would first have to amend section 328(7). Because section 328(9) requires any amendment to section 328 to comply with the procedures in section 328(6), that amendment would necessarily require approval through a referendum.
The Bill deliberately avoids that constitutional pathway. The issue, therefore, is not whether the Constitution permits a referendum. It is whether Parliament may avoid the constitutional route that would have required one.
A referendum cannot cure that constitutional defect.
Indeed, if the Bill were approved in a referendum in its present form, section 328(6)(b) would require the President to assent to it forthwith. That is precisely why the constitutional question should be resolved through the mechanism provided by section 131.
Conclusion
Zimbabwe is facing a constitutional crisis. The question is no longer whether the Bill has political support. The real question is whether Parliament may lawfully avoid the constitutional amendment procedure prescribed by the Constitution itself.
The answer is that the Constitution does not permit Parliament to avoid the constitutional amendment procedure prescribed by the Constitution itself.
The Constitution anticipated attempts by incumbents to benefit from extensions of tenure and entrenched section 328 against such manipulation. It requires that any alteration of those safeguards be undertaken openly, in accordance with the constitutional amendment procedures, and ultimately with the approval of the people through a referendum. The Bill seeks to obtain the legal consequences of amending section 328(7) while avoiding the constitutional process that such an amendment would inevitably trigger. That is not constitutional amendment but constitutional circumvention.
Mr Mnangagwa, the incumbent President, has described himself as a constitutionalist. The Constitution now presents him with an opportunity to demonstrate that constitutionalism requires fidelity not only to constitutional outcomes but also to constitutional procedures. By invoking section 131 and referring the Bill to the Constitutional Court, he would ensure that the Constitution is amended only in the manner that the Constitution itself permits.
Ultimately, constitutional democracies are measured not by the size of parliamentary majorities but by the willingness of constitutional actors to remain within constitutional limits. The Constitution of Zimbabwe prescribes how it may be amended. What it requires to be done directly cannot lawfully be achieved indirectly.
The Southern African Development Community’s governments, with South Africa being the most powerful, have been watching Zimbabwe’s slide into a constitutionally entrenched dictatorship in silence. Thi… Source: Zimbabwe’s slide into dictatorship: The peril of our leaders’ apathy The Southern African Development Community’s governments, with South Africa being the most powerful, have been watching Zimbabwe’s slide […]
The Southern African Development Community’s governments, with South Africa being the most powerful, have been watching Zimbabwe’s slide into a constitutionally entrenched dictatorship in silence. Thi…
The Southern African Development Community’s governments, with South Africa being the most powerful, have been watching Zimbabwe’s slide into a constitutionally entrenched dictatorship in silence. This has consequences, not just for the country whose democracy is being killed, but for its neighbours as well.
Prominent Zimbabwean businessman and newspaper publisher Trevor Ncube penned a spine-chilling piece on Substack this week about how, in 2024 and 2025, newspapers in his stable were intimidated into to apologising for and withdrawing stories that revealed President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s intention to extend his term beyond the constitutionally stipulated end in 2028.
The intimidation came in a writ from Mnangagwa’s lawyers demanding that the respective stories be taken down within 48 hours or pay damages of up to $22-million, which would accrue daily if not paid. On both occasions the newspapers, faced with the might of one of the country’s most formidable legal firms and representing the most powerful (and one with deep pockets), buckled. They knew their reporting was 100% on point but the idea of facing obviously malicious litigation that could bring them to their knees convinced them to live to fight another day.
Anyway, about two weeks ago, Mnangagwa signed constitutional amendments that will see him extend his term until 2030, what Ncube described as “the very outcome our newspapers warned about”. This is despite consistently denying for years that he had any such intentions and taking that drastic step of threatening NewsDay and The Standard.
The amendments will see the scheduled 2028 elections cast aside, the presidential and parliamentary terms increased from five years to seven and a shift from the system of the president being directly elected by voters to one where the head of state will be chosen by parliament. This may not sound controversial to South Africans where the president is elected by the National Assembly. There are many other jurisdictions around the world that operate this way, Zanu-PF and its apologists have argued, so it is not intrinsically undemocratic. They are not wrong.
Mnangagwa’s legacy will be that of sending Zimbabwe’s democracy to the cemetery and systematically replacing it with a constitutionally entrenched dictatorship.
However, this is not happening in a vacuum. Since the 2000 parliamentary election in which the Movement for Democratic Change’s victory was snatched in broad daylight, the political system has been engineered to always deliver a Zanu-PF win. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission is basically a Zanu-PF organ and has been indicted by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) observer mission as being an enabler of flawed elections. The tightly controlled state media that dominates the airwaves and whose print products are heavily supported by government advertising, is essentially the ruling party’s propaganda arm. The security forces swear loyalty to the party hierarchy rather than the republic. The judiciary is packed with loyalists or mediocre beneficiaries of Zanu-PF favours.
So what do you have? A system designed to ensure permanent Zanu-PF parliamentary dominance and the presence of the party leader at the very helm. That 83-year-old Mnangagwa is that leader right now. He and his Zanu-PF successors are guaranteed the presidency through this cooked system. Where Robert Mugabe’s legacy is that of choking Zimbabwe’s democracy, Mnangagwa’s will be that of sending it to the cemetery and systematically replacing it with a constitutionally entrenched dictatorship. By the time his extended term ends in 2030, only a fool would believe that his appetite for another term will have been satisfied. Let’s brace ourselves for a repeat of Cameroon’s Paul Biya, who contested an election at the age of 93.
Ncube today deeply regrets the decision to bow to the threats, calling it a “failure of courage”. He believes they should have stood their ground and damn the consequences.
“We were afraid. Afraid of a powerful president. Afraid of the enormous costs of defending ourselves in a judicial system over which the executive has accumulated disturbing influence. Afraid that even if our journalism was defensible, the process itself could cripple the business. That is what intimidation looks like when it arrives on a lawyer’s letterhead,” Ncube wrote.
He added: “That experience taught me something important: authoritarian systems do not depend only on violent men and repressive laws. They depend on the fear of ordinary institutions.”
The people who should be hanging their heads for failure of courage, failure of conscience and failure of conviction are the leaders of our continent and in particular the SADC region.
Truer words could not be said. Another iteration of this statement is that evil thrives when good men are silent. This lowly newspaper man has long been very critical, sometimes unfairly, of Zimbabweans’ aversion to risk when confronting the Zanu-PF regime. While it is true there have been protests that have been violently crushed, that the brutal state has spared nothing in crushing political opposition and civil society activism, the fact is that in the 26 years since the meltdown began, most Zimbabweans’ form of resistance has been to skip the border and make a new life elsewhere.
But “failure of courage” or not, Ncube is being hard on himself and his colleagues in believing that defying the threat could have staved off the certain march to full authoritarianism. In a situation where much of the judiciary unashamedly conducts itself like an extension of the Zanu-PF politburo, a prolonged battle might have marked the demise of one of the country’s most courageous media houses and actually allowed the bad guys freer rein. As painful as that decision might be, when you apply 20/20 vision in hindsight, the bottom line is that NewsDay and The Standard did get to live another day and continue to shine a light on the dramatic slide to full authoritarianism.
The people who should be hanging their heads for failure of courage, failure of conscience and failure of conviction are the leaders of our continent and in particular the SADC region. Zimbabwe has faced many perilous moments over the past 26 years, each darker than the previous. Each one of these moments has seen the country take leap after leap into greater authoritarianism. The constitutional amendments are yet another huge leap in this direction, but this time a fundamental legitimising of autocracy. The legacy of Mugabe was the use of brute force to enforce Zanu-PF legitimacy. Mnangagwa will make the crime of oppression constitutional.
The African Union and the SADC are watching this strangulation of democracy play out without lifting a finger or even raising a voice. This is not a movie. This is real life, a culmination of two-and-a-half decades of killing the dreams of a liberated people. Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, the Harvard academics who authored the 2018 book How Democracies Die, contend that this need no longer happen in spectacular fashion – with coups, martial law and the takeover of broadcast services. Instead it happens in “plain sight” as elected officials kill democracy “through gradual erosion of political norms and institutions”.
South Africa’s leaders need not be reminded of the consequences of our acquiescing to Zanu-PF’s savage suffocation of the Zimbabwean democracy.
“Democracies may die at the hands not of generals but of elected leaders – presidents or prime ministers who subvert the very process that brought them to power. Some of these leaders dismantle democracy quickly, as Hitler did in the wake of the 1933 Reichstag fire in Germany. More often, though, democracies erode slowly, in barely visible steps,” they argue.
How Democracies Die was apt as it came out in the second year of Donald Trump’s first presidential term, when it was becoming clear that the wannabe autocrat was following the script of other democratically elected leaders who did not like the model that got them elected. When democracies die there are consequences, mostly in the form of economic decline and political instability. Official kleptocracy thrives. The autocrats become voracious and vicious.
The SADC’s governments, with South Africa being the most powerful of them, have been watching this happen in plain sight. This silence comes with consequences, not just for the country whose democracy is being killed, but for its neighbours as well. South Africa’s leaders need not be reminded of the consequences of our acquiescing to Zanu-PF’s savage suffocation of the Zimbabwean democracy. If they do need a reminder then they need to look up the name “Jacinta” on their phones. There are consequences for regional stability, for the SADC economy and balanced socioeconomic development in our neighbourhood.
Mnangagwa is popularly known as the “Crocodile”, a nickname derived from his ruthlessness as he rose through the ranks of Zanu-PF. This carnivore is about to devour more than his own nation. The silence and inaction of our leaders serves nobody. Even if they do not care about the citizens of Zimbabwe, they should see the bigger picture. DM
HARARE — Zimbabwe’s 2026 Mid-Term Budget and Economic Policy Review is expected to place economic stability, fiscal discipline and structural reforms at the centre of Government policy as authorities seek to consolidate recent gains while positioning the economy for sustainable growth, according to State Media. Finance, Economic Development and Investment Promotion Minister Professor Mthuli Ncube […]
HARARE — Zimbabwe’s 2026 Mid-Term Budget and Economic Policy Review is expected to place economic stability, fiscal discipline and structural reforms at the centre of Government policy as authorities seek to consolidate recent gains while positioning the economy for sustainable growth, according to State Media.
Finance, Economic Development and Investment Promotion Minister Professor Mthuli Ncube is scheduled to present the review on Thursday amid growing expectations from businesses, investors and households for policy clarity on taxation, investment reforms, currency transition and measures to improve competitiveness.
The State Media reported that economic analysts are urging Government to maintain policy consistency rather than introduce major policy shifts, arguing that the current macroeconomic environment provides a foundation for deeper reforms.
The review comes as Zimbabwe’s economy has shown resilience despite global uncertainty, geopolitical tensions and difficult external conditions.
Recent economic indicators point to declining inflation, relative stability of the Zimbabwe Gold (ZiG) currency, stronger foreign currency inflows, improving fiscal revenues and robust performances in agriculture and mining.
Unlike the annual National Budget, the Mid-Term Review primarily evaluates economic performance during the first half of the year, assessing revenue mobilisation, expenditure trends, fiscal execution and broader economic developments.
It also provides Treasury with an opportunity to adjust projections, address emerging challenges and report progress on reforms under the National Development Strategy 2 (NDS2).
The State Media said businesses and investors are particularly interested in Government’s position on the transition towards a mono-currency system, investment protection mechanisms, industrial incentives and reforms aimed at improving the business environment.
Economic analyst Mr Persistence Gwanyanya said the current economic environment supported policy continuity rather than major changes.
“The 2026 Mid-Term Fiscal Policy Review occurs against a backdrop of macroeconomic stability and renewed growth momentum, notwithstanding adverse external shocks, notably the geopolitical escalation involving Iran, Israel and the United States,” he said.
Mr Gwanyanya said Zimbabwe’s economic resilience demonstrated the effectiveness of current policy measures.
“This resilience underscores the effectiveness of current policy frameworks, suggesting that the upcoming review will prioritise policy continuity over structural deviations,” he said.
The country’s fiscal position has strengthened significantly during the first half of 2026, supported by increased economic activity in key sectors.
According to the State Media, Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA) collections increased by about 47 percent during the first five months of the year, rising from US$2,95 billion recorded during the same period in 2025 to US$4,34 billion.
The improved revenue performance has been attributed largely to stronger activity in mining and agriculture, prompting Treasury to revise the annual revenue target upwards to US$9,2 billion.
Mr Gwanyanya said the improved collections could provide room for Treasury to revise the overall 2026 National Budget, initially set at US$9,7 billion.
Economic growth has also exceeded expectations, with Treasury estimating first-half GDP growth at 6,8 percent following an 8,3 percent expansion in 2025.
The initial 2026 growth target was set at 6,6 percent.
However, analysts say the market is increasingly focused not only on revenue growth but on how additional resources will be deployed to improve productivity and strengthen economic competitiveness.
Mr Gwanyanya said businesses wanted Government to demonstrate how stronger fiscal inflows would translate into improved productivity, lower operating costs and enhanced resilience.
“Policy focus is now shifting toward microeconomic efficiency and improving the business environment,” he said.
“The market expects tangible progress on regulatory reforms, sector reviews and a clear roadmap outlining how the Government intends to sustain private sector competitiveness.”
A key issue expected to receive attention is the ongoing review of business licences, permits, levies and regulatory charges.
Cabinet recently approved measures aimed at reducing the cost of doing business by removing duplication and unnecessary compliance requirements.
Analysts expect Minister Ncube to provide an update on implementation timelines and progress.
Investment analyst Mr Wafa Kuchera said tax policy would be among the most closely watched areas of the Mid-Term Review.
While acknowledging Government’s need to mobilise domestic resources, he argued that the current tax framework places significant pressure on formal businesses and consumers.
“It is difficult to ask the minister to do more in some areas while simultaneously asking him to collect less in taxes, but that is exactly what we are asking him to do,” Mr Kuchera said.
“The Government needs to become more efficient and fiscally creative with what it collects to make the impact of taxes go further.”
He called for a review of taxes that disproportionately affect consumers and compliant businesses, particularly the Intermediated Money Transfer Tax (IMTT).
According to Mr Kuchera, the tax burden falls heavily on formal businesses and individuals using banking channels, while having limited impact on the largely cash-based informal sector.
He also called for consideration of targeted relief measures on consumption taxes affecting essential goods.
Mr Kuchera said fiscal policy would become increasingly important as Zimbabwe prepares for a possible transition towards a mono-currency system.
He argued that Government should simultaneously promote exports, reduce import dependence and strengthen domestic production.
“As we move towards a mono-currency monetary system, fiscal authorities need to incentivise the use of the local currency while promoting exports and import substitution,” he said.
“This means lowering the cost of doing business, creating more employment opportunities and encouraging formalisation.”
He also urged continued investment in strategic infrastructure while ensuring mining companies contribute more towards environmental rehabilitation and community development.
Capital market analysts are expected to closely monitor Government’s position on the future of the Victoria Falls Stock Exchange (VFEX) and the Victoria Falls International Financial Services Centre under a future mono-currency framework.
Investment analyst Mr Enock Rukarwa said investors required greater clarity on safeguards protecting capital markets during currency reforms.
“The minister needs to re-emphasise the safeguards that will remain in place after de-dollarisation. What are the safeguards? How do we ensure policy consistency and continuity? How do we protect investors’ funds?” he said.
Mr Rukarwa said investor confidence depended on predictable policies and strong institutional protections.
He also called for a review of taxes affecting financial institutions, arguing that reducing costs for banks would support investment and economic expansion.
Financial services firm FBC Securities said Zimbabwe entered the second half of 2026 with stronger economic fundamentals.
Its Half-Year 2026 Economic and Stock Market Outlook highlighted declining inflation, exchange rate stability, rising foreign currency inflows and improved reserves as key drivers of confidence.
The report noted that foreign currency receipts increased to US$10,72 billion during the first half of 2026, compared with US$7,25 billion during the same period last year.
International reserves rose to US$1,6 billion by the end of June, equivalent to about 1,6 months of import cover.
Annual ZiG inflation remained below five percent, closing June at 4,72 percent, allowing the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe’s Monetary Policy Committee to reduce the Bank Policy Rate from 35 percent to 30 percent.
FBC Securities said these improvements created an opportunity for Government to focus on strengthening capital markets, accelerating formalisation and improving productivity rather than implementing major policy changes.
The brokerage expects mining and agriculture to remain the main drivers of Zimbabwe’s projected five percent economic growth in 2026, supported by favourable commodity prices, strong tobacco exports and diaspora remittances.
Economist Mr Eddie Cross also expects policy continuity, saying Government is likely to maintain its current fiscal approach.
“I expect a few changes and think they will maintain the cash-based budget implementation strategy we have witnessed so far this year,” he said.
“I am sure he will report a fiscal deficit in line with expectations and progress on the IMF Staff Monitored Programme.”
Beyond reviewing economic performance, the Mid-Term Budget Review is expected to provide updates on broader reforms, including efforts to expand the tax base through improved registration and compliance within the informal economy.
With economic stability increasingly established as the foundation of recovery, analysts say the next phase of Zimbabwe’s policy agenda will be judged by its ability to convert macroeconomic improvements into stronger productivity, investment and private sector growth.
HARARE — Zimbabwe’s insurance sector is facing a widening inclusion gap, with formal insurance uptake declining despite broader gains in financial inclusion through banking and mobile money services, according to analysis of industry data published by State Media. While more Zimbabweans are accessing formal financial services, insurance remains the notable exception, with fewer adults holding […]
HARARE — Zimbabwe’s insurance sector is facing a widening inclusion gap, with formal insurance uptake declining despite broader gains in financial inclusion through banking and mobile money services, according to analysis of industry data published by State Media.
While more Zimbabweans are accessing formal financial services, insurance remains the notable exception, with fewer adults holding insurance policies compared to a decade ago.
The State Media reported that FinScope Zimbabwe’s 2022 consumer survey showed formal insurance usage declining from 26 percent in 2014 to 22 percent in 2022, even as bank account ownership increased from 30 percent to 46 percent over the same period.
Mobile money adoption also expanded from 45 percent to 63 percent, while overall financial inclusion rose from 69 percent to 84 percent.
However, the proportion of adults without any insurance cover — either formal or informal — increased from 70 percent to 72 percent.
With Zimbabwe’s adult population estimated at around seven million, insurance has become the only major component of financial inclusion showing contraction.
Data from the Insurance and Pensions Commission (Ipec) for the first quarter of 2026 indicates that Zimbabwe’s short-term insurance market remains heavily concentrated around motor vehicle cover.
Of the 769 625 policies held by direct short-term insurers as at March 31, 2026, motor insurance accounted for 675 299 policies, representing 88 percent of the total market.
The dominance of motor insurance reflects a market largely driven by legal compliance rather than voluntary risk protection, as third-party motor insurance is mandatory for vehicle owners.
Fire insurance and motor cover together account for a significant share of industry revenue, highlighting the concentration of insurance activity among vehicle owners, property owners and businesses.
Meanwhile, other forms of protection remain marginal, particularly among lower-income households that face greater vulnerability to economic shocks.
Despite low formal insurance penetration, many Zimbabweans continue to rely on alternative risk-sharing mechanisms, including burial societies, savings clubs, extended family networks, livestock ownership, church-based support systems and remittances.
These informal arrangements provide financial protection but are largely outside the regulated insurance framework.
The State Media quoted Ipec Commissioner Dr Grace Muradzikwa as saying the insurance industry must develop products that respond to the country’s changing economic structure, particularly the growth of the informal sector.
“We have a large underserved population; we have seen some structural shifts in our economy where we are seeing a growing informal sector, so we ask the industry, are you coming up with products that speak to this growing informal sector?” she said.
Dr Muradzikwa said insurers needed to create affordable products suitable for communities currently excluded from formal insurance.
“We have seen the recent fires at Matapi and Highfield, for instance. Are these people insured? The industry can come up with products that are relevant and digestible for the informal sector,” she said.
Zimbabwe’s short-term insurance sector has become increasingly aligned with foreign currency earnings.
The State Media reported that short-term insurers generated US$78,71 million in revenue during the first quarter of 2026, with approximately 80 percent of income — US$62,71 million — denominated in foreign currency.
Motor insurance contributed US$26,72 million of the foreign currency revenue, while fire insurance accounted for another significant share.
The trend reflects a widening divide between customers with access to United States dollar income and those whose earnings remain largely in local currency.
Funeral assurance, which serves a broader low-income market, has experienced the opposite trend. Foreign currency revenue represented only 57 percent of the sector’s income and declined year-on-year, while active policies dropped sharply.
Funeral assurance has traditionally been one of Zimbabwe’s most popular insurance products, but affordability pressures have weakened demand.
Active funeral policies declined by 29 percent in one quarter, falling from 114 651 to 81 528 policies.
Industry analysts say the decline reflects household financial pressures rather than a lack of awareness, as many families struggle to maintain regular premium payments.
FinScope data shows funeral cover remains the most preferred insurance product among those who are insured, with 72 percent holding funeral policies compared with 32 percent holding motor insurance and 30 percent medical aid.
However, affordability remains the biggest barrier, with half of uninsured adults citing cost as the main reason they do not have cover.
Zimbabwe’s insurance industry remains highly concentrated, with a small number of companies controlling a large share of the market.
In short-term insurance, Old Mutual, Nicoz Diamond, Cell, Zimnat and Alliance collectively account for about two-thirds of industry revenue.
The foreign currency segment is even more concentrated, with the top five insurers controlling approximately three-quarters of the market.
The funeral assurance market is similarly dominated, with Moonlight Funeral Assurance holding the largest share of sector assets and revenue.
Beyond affordability, industry observers say confidence remains a significant challenge for insurance companies.
The State Media quoted one policyholder, identified as Mr Sam Njani, who questioned the value proposition of insurance.
“I think insurance is a scam; a person can spend years faithfully paying subscriptions, but if they stop paying for three months or so, the policy lapses. It’s literally free money for these companies,” he said.
The distrust is linked partly to historical experiences during Zimbabwe’s hyperinflation period, when many insurance and pension values were severely eroded.
Despite growing climate-related risks, agricultural insurance has contracted.
The State Media reported that farming premiums declined by 25 percent year-on-year in 2026, while hail insurance premiums fell by 40 percent.
This comes despite improved rainfall patterns and stronger agricultural prospects compared with previous drought seasons.
Industry analysts suggest insurers may still be cautious following losses associated with previous drought-related claims.
At the same time, credit insurance recorded significant growth, increasing by more than 4 000 percent from a low base as businesses sought protection against customer and trading partner defaults.
Customer complaints against short-term insurers increased significantly during the period under review.
Complaints rose by 141 percent year-on-year, with delayed claims settlement accounting for the majority of grievances.
Liquidity challenges among some insurers have contributed to customer dissatisfaction, with several companies reporting negative working capital positions.
The State Media reported that some smaller insurers recorded disproportionately high complaint ratios compared with their market share.
Despite regulatory compliance among short-term insurers, Zimbabwe’s insurance market remains underdeveloped compared with regional and global benchmarks.
Insurance penetration was estimated at about 2 percent of GDP in 2024, below the sub-Saharan African average of 2,8 percent and significantly below South Africa’s estimated 11,5 percent.
Per capita insurance spending was estimated at US$144,71 in 2025, highlighting the limited scale of the sector.
Analysts say expanding insurance coverage will require products designed for informal businesses, affordable micro-insurance solutions, improved consumer trust and greater use of digital platforms.
As Zimbabwe’s economy continues shifting towards informal enterprise and new forms of financial participation, the insurance industry faces pressure to evolve from a market centred on vehicles and property owners into one capable of protecting the wider population.
NAIROBI — Former Kenyan rugby international and ex-NFL linebacker Daniel Adongo has been deported from the United States after immigration authorities determined that he had overstayed his visa and was convicted of a criminal offence, according to Business Insider Africa. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) removed the 37-year-old from the United States on June […]
NAIROBI — Former Kenyan rugby international and ex-NFL linebacker Daniel Adongo has been deported from the United States after immigration authorities determined that he had overstayed his visa and was convicted of a criminal offence, according to Business Insider Africa.
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) removed the 37-year-old from the United States on June 20 following a deportation order issued by a Department of Justice immigration judge in March.
According to Business Insider Africa, citing ICE and Fox 59, Adongo remained in the United States after his visa expired in 2016. Federal authorities said his criminal conviction and immigration status made him a priority for enforcement under current U.S. immigration laws.
Adongo could not immediately be reached by Business Insider Africa for comment.
Criminal Conviction Led to Removal
Federal authorities said Adongo was convicted in 2020 of criminal mischief involving property damage and was sentenced to 364 days in jail.
ICE also stated that Adongo had been arrested several times in Indiana over a nine-year period on allegations including felony intimidation, battery and disorderly conduct. However, authorities did not indicate that all of those arrests resulted in convictions.
“This dangerous individual was clearly a threat to the community, which is now safer since he’s been removed,” ICE Chicago Assistant Field Office Director Douglas Thompson said in a statement.
“Those who violate immigration law are held equally accountable, including former professional athletes.”
According to Business Insider Africa, ICE said Adongo’s detention was mandated under the Laken Riley Act, legislation signed by President Donald Trump that expanded mandatory detention requirements for certain undocumented immigrants accused or convicted of qualifying offences.
The agency said Adongo’s case formed part of the Trump administration’s broader immigration enforcement strategy targeting undocumented immigrants with criminal convictions.
From African Rugby to the NFL
Before his legal troubles, Adongo was regarded as one of Africa’s most remarkable sporting success stories.
The Nairobi-born athlete attended the University of Pretoria and developed his rugby career in South Africa, where he represented the Sharks at youth level between 2007 and 2010. He later played for clubs in South Africa and New Zealand before attracting the attention of NFL scouts.
In 2013, the Indianapolis Colts signed Adongo despite his lack of American football experience, converting him into a linebacker. His move made him the first Kenyan to play in the National Football League and one of the few African rugby players to transition successfully into the sport.
Adongo appeared in five NFL games between 2013 and 2015, primarily on special teams, before his career stalled following a police incident in suburban Indianapolis. The Colts subsequently released him.
According to Business Insider Africa, ICE said Adongo’s visa expired in 2016, beginning a period of unlawful presence that ultimately resulted in his deportation to Kenya.
Not the First African Celebrity to Face U.S. Immigration Action
Adongo is among several high-profile African-born personalities to face U.S. immigration enforcement in recent years.
Business Insider Africa noted that in June 2025, Senegalese-born social media star Khaby Lame was detained by ICE officials at Las Vegas airport after allegedly overstaying his visa. Lame was later permitted to leave the United States voluntarily and did not face a formal removal order.
Unlike Lame’s case, Adongo’s deportation followed both a criminal conviction and a judicial removal order, placing him within the category of immigrants subject to mandatory detention and deportation under U.S. immigration law.