Tongaat Hulett donates wheelchairs and white mobility canes

Source: Tongaat Hulett donates wheelchairs and white mobility canes – herald Online Correspondent Tongaat Hulett Zimbabwe, a leader in agro-processing business in the country, in an act of philanthropy extended a generous hand to persons with disabilities by donating 90 white blind mobility canes and five wheelchairs to a disability community residing in Epworth.The donation […]

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Source: Tongaat Hulett donates wheelchairs and white mobility canes – herald

Online Correspondent

Tongaat Hulett Zimbabwe, a leader in agro-processing business in the country, in an act of philanthropy extended a generous hand to persons with disabilities by donating 90 white blind mobility canes and five wheelchairs to a disability community residing in Epworth.The donation was received cheerfully and with open arms by both the disability community and the Epworth Local Board.

Tongaat Hulett is a leading agri-business in sugar, ethanol, animal feeds and cattle in Zimbabwe.

The act of philanthropy by Tongaat Hulett is a welcome move and a game changer in private sector involvement in the transformation and advancement of the well-being of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe.

In great appreciation of the donation, Dr Tafara Marazi, a visually impaired senior lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe and chairperson of Visually Impaired Persons Support Organisation of persons with disabilities expressed his gratitude towards the donation on behalf of the disabled beneficiaries.

“We are gathered here at Epworth Local Board as persons with disabilities to witness a landmark occasion at which Tongaat Hulett is extending a generous hand by donating to us some wheelchairs and white blind mobility canes. As persons with disabilities, many are times when our disability needs are unrecognised by society much to our detriment and suffering. As persons with disabilities, we struggle to move around to fend for daily needs for our families. Today Tongaat Hulett has acknowledged our cause and come to our rescue which will go a long way in improving our movement as we struggle to eke out a living on daily basis,” he said at the recent handover in Epworth.

At least 95 persons with disabilities benefitted from the Tongaat Hulett donation.

Ms Muchaneta Chabvepi one of the beneficiaries expressed her joy, “While society generally expects parents to care for their children, the reality for many visually impaired parents is quite the opposite. Often, it is our children who take on the role of caregivers by hand-guiding us due to our lack of white blind mobility canes which Tongaat Hulett has generously donated to us.”

The mobility canes will help with road safety as motorists frequently overlook persons with disabilities walking without white mobility canes.

Mr Jairos Mapadza, who suffered a leg fracture in a traffic accident while cross­ing the road without a white mobility cane, was relieved to receive a white mobility cane.

“I am grateful for the donation of this white cane, which will greatly aid my mobility. My injury occurred when I was struck by a car while attempt­ing to cross the road,” he said.

Ms Isabel Takaindisa of Hatfield got a wheelchair.

“You can­not fully comprehend our struggles as persons with disabilities unless you experience them your­self,” she said.

The master of ceremony Ms Matinanga Ndavayake encouraged persons with disabilities to seek assistance when navigating challenges.

Epworth Local Board, audit manager Tawonehama Nyamugoneka praised Tongaat Hulett for focusing attention to the needs of persons with disabilities in

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Demystifying the illusion of Zimbabwe’s ‘fastest-growing’ economy

Source: Demystifying the illusion of Zimbabwe’s ‘fastest-growing’ economy Numbers do not lie, it is often said — but when twisted, they certainly can. Tendai Ruben Mbofana Zimbabwe has been touted as the fastest-growing economy in southern Africa, with headlines proudly proclaiming GDP growth rates of 6 percent and beyond. To directly receive articles from Tendai […]

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Source: Demystifying the illusion of Zimbabwe’s ‘fastest-growing’ economy

Numbers do not lie, it is often said — but when twisted, they certainly can.

Tendai Ruben Mbofana

Zimbabwe has been touted as the fastest-growing economy in southern Africa, with headlines proudly proclaiming GDP growth rates of 6 percent and beyond.

To directly receive articles from Tendai Ruben Mbofana, please join his WhatsApp Channel on: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaqprWCIyPtRnKpkHe08

On paper, this makes the country look like a regional star.

South Africa struggles with growth barely scraping 1–2 percent.

Yet anyone living in Zimbabwe knows the disconnect: streets remain in disrepair, jobs are scarce, and wages stagnant.

How then can an economy so visibly struggling be “growing faster than its neighbors”?

The answer is simple — and it exposes the illusion behind these figures: it’s called the base effect.

Zimbabwe’s economy collapsed over decades.

From the late 1990s through the 2000s, mismanagement, hyperinflation, and chaotic land reform shrank the economy to a shadow of its former self.

In 2008 alone, GDP contracted by over 18 percent.

By 2009, the economy was barely half its pre-crisis size.

When you start from such a low base, even modest absolute gains look enormous in percentage terms.

That is why a $1 billion increase in GDP can register as 5 or 6 percent growth.

It is not a miracle.

It is mathematics.

Recent statistics make this illusion painfully clear.

In 2024, Zimbabwe’s GDP grew by just $1.3 billion, producing a modest 2.9 percent growth.

Forecasts for 2025 suggest an increase of roughly $2.7 billion, translating into a headline growth rate of 6 percent, with the World Bank projecting 6.6 percent.

In absolute terms, these are small additions to an economy valued at around $46 billion, yet the percentages make it look enormous.

To put it in perspective, imagine someone earning $50 a month who receives a paltry $25 increment.

In absolute terms, it is tiny, but expressed as a percentage, it looks like a 50 percent pay rise — far more impressive than the actual addition.

The same principle applies to Zimbabwe: small increases in a small economy produce headline-grabbing percentages, creating the false impression of a boom while real expansion remains limited.

The contrast with South Africa underscores the point.

South Africa’s GDP is roughly $460 billion, almost ten times the size of Zimbabwe’s.

Even if South Africa added $6 billion in a single year — more than twice what Zimbabwe expects in 2025 — its growth rate would barely register at 1.3 percent.

It is the same as someone earning US$1,000 a month receiving a US$100 salary increase — which translates to a 10 percent increase.

On paper, the worker earning US$50 who received an increase of only US$25 — a 50 percent salary increase — appears to have gained far more than the one who earned US$1,000 and received a US$100 increase, which is 10 percent.

But in reality, would it make any sense for the worker who received just US$25 to boast that they gained more than the one who received US$100?

Yet that is exactly what the Zimbabwean government is doing by bragging that our economy is the fastest-growing in the region, creating the misleading impression that it is growing faster — or performing better — than much larger economies such as South Africa’s.

A small economy magnifies modest gains; a large economy dilutes massive ones.

Percentages alone, without context, create a misleading story.

The state then misleads the nation into believing Zimbabwe’s economy is outpacing South Africa’s, even though Zimbabwe would have grown by only $2 billion while South Africa added $6 billion.

So which economy is truly growing bigger?

The base effect also explains Zimbabwe’s volatile growth.

After reporting 6.1 percent in 2022 and 5.3 percent in 2023, the economy slowed to 1.7 percent in 2024 before bouncing back to roughly 6 percent in 2025.

This is not the story of a booming economy; it is the story of a small, vulnerable, and volatile economy recovering from collapse.

Even modest gains can produce large swings, and tiny losses can appear catastrophic.

Sustaining high growth is difficult once the initial rebound fades.

Politicians and state media tout these numbers as proof of competence, but they tell you nothing about ordinary citizens’ lives — nothing about jobs, wages, infrastructure, or living standards.

Farmers struggle to access affordable inputs, traders face erratic electricity and water supply, and workers see wages that barely cover inflation.

Streets crumble under potholes and dust, yet the government can announce a “growing economy.”

The arithmetic behind the base effect is simple.

Small economies can appear to “grow fast” with modest absolute gains, while large economies show tiny percentage growth despite much larger gains.

This explains the swings in Zimbabwe’s reported growth — it is recovery from collapse, not stable expansion.

The lesson is clear: do not be fooled by headline growth figures.

Look beyond the percentages and ask the hard questions.

Are people employed?

Are wages rising?

Are services reliable?

Until growth translates into jobs, infrastructure, and improved living standards, the “fastest-growing economy” label remains hollow — numbers for newspapers, not for the people.

Zimbabwe’s story is a cautionary tale.

Percentages are seductive; they promise progress without substance.

True economic growth is measured not in abstract statistics, but in the daily lives of citizens.

Until these numbers begin to reflect reality — until roads are fixed, jobs are created, and wages rise — the narrative of a “fastest-growing economy” will remain exactly that: a narrative, not a fact.

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The ZiG is not winning—Zimbabweans are merely offloading a currency forced upon them

Source: The ZiG is not winning—Zimbabweans are merely offloading a currency forced upon them Self-delusion is not only dangerous; it is profoundly counterproductive. Tendai Ruben Mbofana The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe’s latest claim that the ZiG now accounts for 30–40% of national payment system transactions is being paraded as proof that the local currency is […]

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Source: The ZiG is not winning—Zimbabweans are merely offloading a currency forced upon them

Self-delusion is not only dangerous; it is profoundly counterproductive.

Tendai Ruben Mbofana

The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe’s latest claim that the ZiG now accounts for 30–40% of national payment system transactions is being paraded as proof that the local currency is finally gaining public confidence.

To directly receive articles from Tendai Ruben Mbofana, please join his WhatsApp Channel on: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaqprWCIyPtRnKpkHe08

But this conclusion is not just premature—it is profoundly self-delusional.

Even if we were, for a moment, to accept the central bank’s statistics at face value, the leap from increased usage to increased trust is a dangerous fallacy that ignores both economic reality and Zimbabwe’s deeply scarred collective memory.

Let me ask the RBZ Governor, John Mushayavanhu, one simple question.

If he were given a choice to earn his entire salary either in US dollars or in ZiG, which would he choose?

And if he insists—publicly and unequivocally—that he prefers the ZiG, then let him prove it by taking his full salary in that currency.

Until that happens, all claims of growing confidence remain hollow.

Because the uncomfortable truth is this: even those who run the country and manage its monetary policy do not trust the ZiG.

This lack of elite confidence is not hidden; it is flaunted in plain sight.

Zimbabwe’s ruling class has an almost performative love for cash—doling it out like confetti at a wedding.

We have all watched the President himself, senior officials, and politically connected tenderpreneurs handing out stacks of money to musicians, church leaders, footballers, and various public figures.

They give away vehicles.

They splash cash at events.

Yet that cash is never ZiG.

Not once have we seen anyone in power gifting thousands or millions in ZiG.

Why?

If the ZiG is stable, trustworthy, and the future of Zimbabwe’s monetary system, why is it absent whenever real wealth is displayed or transferred?

Just days ago, the nation watched in disbelief as tenderpreneurs Scott Sakupwanya and Wicknell Chivayo sat with new Scottland FC coach Peter Ndlovu, reportedly handing over an initial payment believed to be around US$300,000—in hard cash.

Where was the ZiG?

Why wasn’t this salary paid electronically, through the banking system, as is demanded of ordinary employers and employees across the country?

Why are those at the top allowed to transact in bricks of US dollars while everyone else is lectured about patriotism and confidence in the local currency?

If the powerful—who have access to insider information, policy direction, and state protection—have not embraced the ZiG, on what moral or economic basis are ordinary Zimbabweans expected to do so?

This brings us to the real reason why ZiG transactions may have increased.

It is not because Zimbabweans suddenly believe in the currency.

It is because they are forced to use it.

Civil servants, pensioners, and many workers receive part of their income in ZiG.

They do not choose this arrangement; it is imposed on them.

Once the ZiG lands in their hands, they have only one rational response: get rid of it as quickly as possible.

I witnessed this logic firsthand through my late mother, a retired nurse.

Each month, she received a paltry US$50 and an even more miserable ZiG component from NSSA, along with about US$120 as a widow’s pension following my father’s death—he was a retired teacher.

Although I took care of her and she did not need to rely on this money, she had a ritual.

Every payout day, she would insist on buying snacks for me and my son—often takeaways and her favourite Madeira cake from Pick n Pay—specifically to dispose of the ZiG portion.

The US dollars she kept safely aside.

Her reasoning was always the same, and painfully simple: ngatitoshandisei zvimaZiG izvi zvisati zvaloser value—let’s use these ZiG before they lose value.

That mindset is not unique.

It is replicated daily in households across Zimbabwe.

People spend the ZiG quickly because they do not trust it as a store of value, while hoarding the US dollar component at home.

Increased usage, therefore, is not a vote of confidence; it is a survival strategy.

If Governor Mushayavanhu cannot grasp this basic truth, then he will continue misleading both himself and the country’s authorities.

The ZiG is not being embraced—it is being offloaded.

Zimbabweans are not choosing it; they are enduring it.

Trust in a currency cannot be manufactured through press statements, projections, or radio jingles.

Zimbabweans are a traumatised people, shaped by some of the most devastating monetary catastrophes in modern history.

At my mother’s passing in October last year, we found wads of old local currencies in her bedroom—thousands, millions, billions, trillions.

Money she once believed might buy her something.

Money rendered utterly useless.

Like millions of others, she had watched inflation move faster than human comprehension, leaving her holding billions that could not buy a loaf of bread.

She also lived through the early 2000s, when savings, pensions, insurance policies, and investments were wiped out almost overnight.

A lifetime of work erased, as if it had never existed.

Do the likes of Mushayavanhu honestly believe that such deep, rational trauma can be undone by optimistic projections and media hype?

Even if the central bank were to amass the traditional three months of import cover to back the ZiG, that alone would not guarantee stability—especially under any attempt at a mono-currency regime.

Currency stability is not just about reserves; it is about confidence.

And confidence does not come from coercion or propaganda.

As long as the people themselves do not trust and willingly embrace the ZiG, no amount of gold, minerals, or billions in reserves will save it.

The authorities have serious work to do.

But the starting point must be honesty.

Stop treating Zimbabweans as fools.

Stop telling them they trust a currency when their lived reality proves otherwise.

The ZiG is not winning.

Zimbabweans are simply doing what they have always done in the face of economic mismanagement: adapting to survive, even if that means discarding a currency they neither want nor believe in.

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Mukumbura may be far, but Kamchatka is a lost world

Source: Mukumbura may be far, but Kamchatka is a lost world SINGAPORE – Zimbabwe singer Mike Westcott had a hit in the 1970s with his song, “It’s a long way to Mukumbura,” a village on the border with Mozambique. Clearly he hadn’t heard of the Russian Far East, not just a long way but among the […]

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Source: Mukumbura may be far, but Kamchatka is a lost world

SINGAPORE – Zimbabwe singer Mike Westcott had a hit in the 1970s with his song, “It’s a long way to Mukumbura,” a village on the border with Mozambique.

Clearly he hadn’t heard of the Russian Far East, not just a long way but among the most remote places on earth and, like Hwange National Park near Victoria Falls, it hosts a wildlife paradise next to a massive deposit of coal.

Krutogorskoe on the Kamchatka Peninsula is just over 6 000 km from Moscow, similar to a flight between Harare and Mumbai on the east coast of India.

Since Czarist times, Russia has portrayed itself as part of Europe, but most of this country lies in Asia. Kamchatka juts like an arm into the Bering Sea, east of both China and Japan, selling itself as the “land of Fire and Ice,” a tourist destination for those “who’ve been everywhere”.

Fire? Some 29 active volcanoes pepper the region which is also known for earthquakes. And ice: winter temperatures of -40˚ might be the reason just 340,000 people live in an area the size of Britain. Ports freeze over and the ground is hard to work.

With such a low human presence, nature has thrived including endangered species like the tundra wolf and sea otter. A fifth of all Pacific salmon spawn in these waters, and from rare trees and grasses to finback whales off the coast, little wonder that in 1997, UNESCO proclaimed much of the peninsular a world heritage site.

Coal for the taking

Then in 2012, it looked like things might change. A viable coal deposit near the east coast had come to the attention of an Icelandic prospector, Ingo Skúlason. For a decade and beyond, a drama would play out involving Russia, India and, ultimately, Singapore where arbitration between the parties took place with an appeal due to be heard.

Skúlason knew Russia well, having lived there since shortly after the Berlin Wall came down and was chair of an NGO, the Russia-Iceland Friendship Society; the local abbreviation is ORDI.

Recent reports in the Moscow press recall how, in September 2017, Skúlason was visited by US mining consultant John L. Weiss and London barrister Stuart Isaacs KC. On landing in Moscow, Isaacs and Weiss filled in the mandatory immigration cards, penning ORDI’s street address as their place of residence during the stay.

The same newspaper describes Isaacs and Weiss as Ingo Skúlason’s “long-standing partners”; together they approached Russia’s state-owned Rosneft with an offer to buy an oil field in Kurdistan. The deal fell through when it emerged they did not have authority from the owner.

The same newspaper describes Isaacs and Weiss as Ingo Skúlason’s “long-standing partners”; together they approached Russia’s state-owned Rosneft with an offer to buy an oil field in Kurdistan. The deal fell through when it emerged they did not have authority from the owner.

Skúlason’s company, Kleros Capital, is registered in the British Virgin Islands, a tax haven near Puerto Rico in the West Indies. In the early days of Kleros, he had several mining firms on his books and had written about the growing market for coal.

Between 1970 and 2010, the population of India had doubled to 1.2bn. The state-owned power monopoly was unable to keep up and, in a democracy, 200m people without the lights on at home became an issue big enough to topple the government. Parliament changed the law, allowing Independent Power Plants or IPPs; companies with muscle and money enough to generate electricity and charge for it.

Blue-print for southern Africa

Zimbabwe and South Africa with their shortage of power have looked at this option for their state monopolies, but made little progress. India showed how easily it could be done.

The Tata Corporation, known globally for its trucks and buses, took up the challenge; Tata Power was soon the biggest IPP in the country and within a decade almost every home was wired. The result was a massive demand for coal, still one of the cheapest sources of power; universities in Delhi and Johannesburg lead the world in researching how to burn it more cleanly.

For Kleros, it seemed a perfect fit. Coal on the Kamchatka Peninsula was remote but plentiful, and close to other big users, including Japan and South Korea. And Tata Power had the millions it would take to develop a mine from scratch, even when ports freeze over and the ground is hard with ice.

In 2012, Kleros and Tata Power signed a year-long contract, agreeing not to compete with each other and, vitally, to keep their dealings confidential lest a rival company should do a deal with Moscow. A further three-year term was inked, and John Weiss checked the viability of mining the coal.

It became clear that Tata alone had the money needed to move ahead, but Kleros wanted a majority stake in the mine. The Indian company walked away.

But in a zone so far from the capital and with little industry, the Russian government pushed ahead. At the end of 2017, they put the site on auction. In a dearth of bidders, Tata bought the license for just $4m.

For those who dreamed of bringing industry to the peninsular, an environmental survey showed an Eden undisturbed: plants, animals and sea life on the Red list of species threatened with extinction. Any company digging up the earth would harm their reputation. Not to mention the volcanoes and earthquakes. Tata surrendered their rights.

In 2019, Kleros claimed that, in buying a licence no-one else wanted at the time, Tata Power had breached the agreement not to compete and robbed their would-be partner of an opportunity. For damages, they demanded $200bn.

The two decided it should be settled not in court but on neutral territory at the Singapore International Arbitration Centre or SIAC. Each would pick a panel member who, between them would choose a third. The verdict would be decided by a simple majority and could not be appealed but might be “set aside” for a fresh hearing if one of the parties could show cause. They could also challenge the award of damages.

The road to Singapore

Tata Power chose Amal K. Ganguli. Well-known at the bar in Delhi and vice-president for the Asian Society of International Law, Ganguli has authored more than two-dozen papers on arbitration and the legal process.

For Kleros it was more difficult; the cost of litigation was beyond their means and they secured funding from Omni Bridgeway, an Australian company that pays the fees in exchange for a share of the damages if their client wins. Arguably, this provides an incentive to push for a high award though there is no evidence Omni Bridgeway made such an approach.

With finance secured, Skúlason chose for the panel his former colleague, Stuart Isaacs KC who, though based in London, had worked extensively in Singapore. Ganguli and Isaacs then picked Professor Lawrence Boo, a Singaporean who had arbitrated on more than 300 cases. Accidents happen and during the process, Boo sent an email of substance to one of the lawyers working for Kleros.

Boo and Isaacs voted 2:1 against Ganguli, demanding that Tata Power pay damages of $500m to Kleros.

The case was largely ignored around the world. Krutogorskoe — site of the deposit — is hard enough to say and few could find the Kamchatka Peninsula on a map. Not so in Russia. News outlets in Moscow followed the arbitration and dug up notes on the plan in 2017 to sell the Kurdish oil field, making clear that Ingo Skúlason and barrister turned arbitrator, Stuart Isaacs had a prior close association possibly not revealed to the SIAC.

There is nothing to question the integrity of Isaacs, now 75 and still in demand. However, Russian media has indicated that Isaacs, Weiss and Skulason have been investigated before by the authorities in Moscow.

It remains to be seen if this matter will be raised in the appeal and for SIAC, renowned for its fairness and impartiality, whether the prior link between Skúlason and Isaacs, who had handed down an award in the former’s favour, is reason enough to set aside the verdict.

The SIAC has rejected Tata Power’s application once before, and it is due to be heard on appeal along with a challenge to a payout of $490m.

Coal is in high demand across the world. Poland and Bangladesh depend on it, South Africa, Botswana and Zimbabwe are major producers but there remains little interest in the Kamchatka Peninsula.

The arbitration has raised heads in Moscow but, for now, the “land of fire and ice” is safe from mining.

The greater worry may be in Singapore, famously incorruptible and trading hub of the world, a city with an economy larger than Malaysia from which it split in 1965.

Here, reputation is everything, and the government works to keep it that way. For this reason alone, nerves might to be on edge as its own court hears the appeal.

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12 627 inspections and 2 271 businesses prosecuted in 2025

Source: 12 627 inspections and 2 271 businesses prosecuted in 2025 – herald Judith Phiri Zimpapers Business Hub THE Consumer Protection Commission (CPC) conducted over 12 000 inspections which resulted in over 2 000 prosecutions of errant businesses that were exploiting consumers in 2025. This comes as Government continues to curb unfair business practices, as […]

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Source: 12 627 inspections and 2 271 businesses prosecuted in 2025 – herald

Judith Phiri Zimpapers Business Hub

THE Consumer Protection Commission (CPC) conducted over 12 000 inspections which resulted in over 2 000 prosecutions of errant businesses that were exploiting consumers in 2025.

This comes as Government continues to curb unfair business practices, as several violations continue to be uncovered that include the sale of counterfeit products and underweight goods among other things.

The rise of the informal sector has seen an increase in consumer complaints, particularly on social media, regarding businesses engaging in unscrupulous activities.

Responding to inquiries from this publication, CPC Research and Public Affairs Director, Mr Kudakwashe Mudereri said the main offences included selling of expired products and putting disclaimer clauses among others.

“As of the end of 2025, the Consumer Protection Commission (CPC) had done 12 627 inspections and prosecuted 2 271 businesses due to violating provisions of the Consumer Protection Act (CPA) Chapter [14:44].

“The main offences include selling of expired products, putting disclaimer clauses such as No Returns, No Refunds and No Exchange, no display of prices, selling substandard or counterfeit products, among other offences,” he said.

He said the Commission participating in the National Taskforce on anti-smuggling and business malpractices deployed its officers covering the country’s ten provinces.
Mr Mudereri said for current cases in January 2026, they were actively addressing several cases concerning errant businesses.

“We have cases before the court where businesses are being prosecuted for refusing to give consumers refunds which is now an offence under Section 18, 34 and 42 of the Consumer Protection Act. Other cases pending before the courts are for businesses caught selling expired products in Masvingo,” he added.

“Looking ahead in 2026 this year, we anticipate enhanced measures to combat consumer fraud and improve business accountability. Our initiatives include increased consumer education.”

He said the Commission has expanded consumer awareness outreach programmes to inform the public (consumers) about their rights and how to report grievances.

Mr Mudereri said these programmes will target urban and rural areas, as well as the youth, elderly, marginalised groups and people living with disability.

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