Ghost Birds, Frogs and Men With Whips 

Source: Ghost Birds, Frogs and Men With Whips – Cathy Buckle Dear Family and Friends, These early mornings as summer draws to an end, the mist hangs in our gardens and somewhere in the branches of a tree the eerie drawn-out whistle of a ghost bird (Grey-headed Bushshrike) is a reminder that the seasons are […]

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Source: Ghost Birds, Frogs and Men With Whips – Cathy Buckle

Dear Family and Friends,

These early mornings as summer draws to an end, the mist hangs in our gardens and somewhere in the branches of a tree the eerie drawn-out whistle of a ghost bird (Grey-headed Bushshrike) is a reminder that the seasons are changing. The summer birds have gone and at night and in the early mornings there is a chill in the air. Out of nowhere an unexpected late rain storm lashed my home area last night. Half a dozen sausage flies and a handful of crickets appeared and a little reed frog climbed up the kitchen wall, a beautiful little creature with a green back, cream stripes, red blotches and reddish pink toes. You couldn’t make up these colours I thought while another 25mm (one inch) of rain pounded down. With so much variety and beauty all around it’s hard to watch the other side of the story about events in Zimbabwe as we approach our 46th anniversary of Independence.

The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe just introduced new ZiG banknotes. They say these notes are more durable, convenient and secure than the ones they originally released only 2 years ago. The new ZiG bank notes have such miniscule exchange values to the US dollar, that frankly we are bemused at the expense of it all. Only 3 denominations of the new notes have been released, the $10 ZiG note which is worth less than 50 US cents; the $20 ZiG note worth less than one US dollar and the $50 ZiG note which is worth less than two US dollars. The highest bank note available today in Zimbabwe isn’t even worth two US dollars. As it has been for 25 years, Zimbabwe’s rapidly changing, short-lived bank notes are worth more as collectors’ items than as money in our pockets.

Zimbabwe’s new bank notes were just a momentary distraction from the latest events in the final 30 days of the public consultation period about the ruling party’s proposed amendments to the Constitution.

In the past 60 days we’ve seen opponents to the amendments being beaten, arrested, attacked and threatened. In the past week the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission was in the firing line. ZHRC Chairperson, lawyer Jessie Majome, released a statement about the Constitutional Amendments saying that the public hearings had been marred by the systematic suppression of dissenting voices. The ZHRC said that some venues for the hearings had been controlled by youths, with vetting at entry points restricting access.  Ms Majome said that in Mashonaland West, “men holding whips were involved in vetting participants in Mhondoro-Ngezi.” The ZHRC said: “The Commission observed instances where participants with divergent views to the proposed amendments were threatened, silenced, denied opportunities to contribute and in some instances physically attacked.”

Three days after releasing the ZHRC report Ms Majome was fired from her post by President Mnangagawa and reassigned to the Public Services Commission. Lawyers immediately said that it was unconstitutional for the President to have removed Ms Majome from her position. Lawyer David Coltart said a Commissioner can only be removed for incapacity, gross incompetence, or gross misconduct and only the Judicial Services Commission is empowered to initiate those proceedings. David Coltart said “None of this has happened in Ms Majome’s case. She clearly isn’t incapacitated and clearly isn’t incompetent. There has been no allegation of misconduct. This was a brazen breach of the Constitution.”

Hearts are heavy in Zimbabwe the day before our 46th anniversary of Independence. In the past two months we have again become a nation that whispers and looks over its shoulder. It feels exactly like the build up to an election and the tactics to silence voices and instill fear are the same as always. Those awful words that we know so well have again become everyday vocabulary: abduction, beating, threatened, silenced, attacked, blindfolds, whips and batons.

Please don’t forget about Zimbabwe as we walk this treacherous path paved by people who want to stay in power.

There is no charge for this Letter From Zimbabwe but if you would like to support my writing and donate please visit my website.

Until next time, thanks for reading this Letter From Zimbabwe now in its 26th year, and my books about life in Zimbabwe, a country in waiting.

Ndini shamwari yenyu (I am your friend)

Love Cathy 17th April 2026. Copyright © Cathy Buckle  https://cathybuckle.co.zw/

Please visit my website to see all my Books, Photobooks and Calendars https://cathybuckle.co.zw/

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Since We Are Already Amending, Let’s Dump The Dumb Shit In Our Constitution

Source: Since We Are Already Amending, Let’s Dump The Dumb Shit In Our Constitution – Zealous Thierry Zimbabwe is amending its constitution. Parliament has confirmed it and governing party ZANU-PF has the numbers to make it happen. The public hearings on this issue lasted less than a week across a country of 15 million people, […]

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Source: Since We Are Already Amending, Let’s Dump The Dumb Shit In Our Constitution – Zealous Thierry

Zimbabwe is amending its constitution. Parliament has confirmed it and governing party ZANU-PF has the numbers to make it happen. The public hearings on this issue lasted less than a week across a country of 15 million people, which works out to roughly one hour of democracy per province if you are being generous with the arithmetic. We are doing this since the amendment is happening anyway.
Fine. Since we are already in the document, pencils out, let us talk about the section nobody wanted to discuss when they were writing it back in 2013.
Section 91(1)(b) of the Zimbabwe Constitution states that a person qualifies for election as President only if they have attained the age of forty years. Forty is the floor, however there is no ceiling. The man who signed that into law in 2013 was 89 years old at the time. I do not think, for the love of God that this was an oversight of legislative drafting. It was a political document expressing a political reality about who was expected to hold power and for how long. They, the people with power, wrote the floor that protected their position from those below, the people without power. They omitted the ceiling that would have threatened it from above. You see, putting a floor disadvantages powerless folks like you and I while putting a ceiling tries to take away power from people who already have it. You write the constitution you need, that’s the one rule of staying in power. This is the constitution we got.
Here is what the current constitution does not tell you. Zimbabwe’s life expectancy at birth is 62.41 years, while median age of death for Zimbabwean men is 65.9. Statistically speaking, this means that more than half of all Zimbabwean men are dead before they reach 66. The minimum age to run for president is 40. There is no maximum.
A man can, constitutionally, hold the presidency until he dies in office of old age and yet the document will have nothing to say about it. It has nothing to say about cognitive fitness either. There is neither a medical requirement nor a physical assessment required at any age.
A president can qualify for a first term at say 70 and hold the office for 10 years soon to be 14, with the constitution’s full blessing regardless of what is happening in their prefrontal cortex where all the decisions get made.
The peer-reviewed research on this is not ambiguous at all. Executive function shows measurable decline beginning at age 60. Sixty-seven percent of people over 70 experience some form of cognitive decline. A paper published in an economics journal, titled without irony “No Country for Old Men,” found that older leaders produce worse economic outcomes, more international conflict and shorter policy time horizons than younger leaders. This is not my opinion at all, but findings from independent research teams across multiple decades of data from multiple countries. The research says old leaders perform worse. The constitution of Zimbabwe has no upper age limit. These two facts share a country. Nobody responsible for drafting the constitution appears to have looked at this at the time.
Now consider who Zimbabwe actually is. Our population is approx16.9 million and the median age is 19.2 years. Approximately sixty-two percent of Zimbabweans are under the age of 25.
The median Zimbabwean is not 40, 50 or 60. More than half the country is younger than 20 year. Meanwhile everyone 18 and older can vote and none under 40 can run for the highest office. The majority of Zimbabwe’s citizens can participate in electing a president but are constitutionally ineligible to be one, not because of any demonstrated incapacity, but because the number 40 was written into a document negotiated primarily by people who were not 40 and had no interest in writing a document that excluded them from anything.
The country that will live longest inside the consequences of today’s decisions has a median age of 19.2. The constitution requires the people making those decisions to be at least 40. The gap between those two numbers is not a technicality. It is the age of the problem as I wrote about earlier this month in the Journal of Sustainability.
President Emmerson Mnangagwa was born on September 15, 1942 and he is 83 currently. Zimbabwe’s life expectancy for men specifically is 60.23 years while the median age of death for Zimbabwean men is 65.9. The president of Zimbabwe has outlived the statistical expectation for a man of his country by approximately 17 to 22 years. He is governing a nation where most men his age are already dead. His band of conspirators are proposing to extend his time doing so by two more years. The constitutional amendment does not mention this arithmetic at all. Instead it mentions policy continuity and development programmes to be implemented to completion, development programmmes Mr Mnangagwa failed to see to fruition in the last 8 years.
There is a political science concept called strategic gerontocracy. The research on it found that in systems where leaders cannot easily be removed, the inner circle sometimes selects old leaders specifically because old leaders are expected to die sooner. An elderly leader is a compromise. The idea is, you get the presidency and we in turn get the biological certainty that it will not last forever. The Constitutional Amendment Bill, 2026, which extends the current 83-year-old president’s term by two years, disrupts even this grim actuarial bargain. It adds time to a tenure that biology was already limiting. This current amendment is nothing but a renegotiation with death.
The world has tried young leaders before. William Pitt the Younger became Prime Minister of Britain at 24 and served for 18 years.
Theodore Roosevelt took office at 42 and built the Panama Canal.
Gabriel Boric became Chile’s president at 35.
Emmanuel Macron won France at 39. Ibrahim Traore took office at 34.
Jean-Claude Duvalier led Haiti at 19 and won 2 referendums.
Bassirou Diomaye Faye became Senegal’s president at 44, walked out of prison into the presidency in ten days and is widely regarded as among the continent’s most reform-minded leaders.
These were, and are functioning governments. None of them appear in the research literature on leaders who produce worse economic outcomes than the ones before them. That literature is populated, overwhelmingly, by a different age bracket.
The continent with the youngest population on earth is governed by some of the oldest leaders on earth. Three sitting African presidents were all simultaneously 83 years old recently. Paul Biya of Cameroon is 92 and seeking another term while the median age across sub-Saharan Africa is approximately 18 years. The people governing it are in their eighties and nineties.
So here is the proposal. Since we are already in the constitution with our red pens, since the amendment train has left the station as ZANU-PF enablers say and we are apparently doing this: amend Section 91(1)(b). Lower the minimum presidential age from 40 to 21. Add a maximum of 45.
My reasoning on this is not ideological at all but pure actuarial.
A president elected at 45 who serves one seven-year term leaves office at 52. Based on Zimbabwe’s own life expectancy data, they will live inside the consequences of their presidency for approximately ten years after leaving office. A president elected at 21 will live inside those consequences for three decades. Both are substantially longer exposure periods than a president who enters at 83 and may not complete the term. The research is plain: the adverse effects of ageing are generally attributed to the shorter time horizons of elder leaders. Time horizon is a literal calculation of how many years a decision-maker expects to exist after making a decision.
The objections are predictable. Young people lack experience. Experience is accumulated by doing, not by waiting. A 35-year-old who has spent 14 years in law, economics, civil society, or public service has experience. The question is whether it is relevant, not whether it is old.
Voters will never elect a 21-year-old they will say. To that I retort, the proposal does not require them to. It requires the option to exist. France will one of the biggest economies in the world and therefore by extension, smarter people than us, allow 18 year Olds to run for the highest office.
And finally, they will say that the upper limit of 45 is arbitrary. Every age limit in every constitution is arbitrary. The current minimum of 40 is arbitrary. The seven-year extension is arbitrary. The difference is that 45 is derived from Zimbabwe’s own mortality and cognitive data, rather than from the preferences of the people currently holding power.
The 2013 Constitution was drafted primarily by people who were already well past any ceiling they might have written. They included the floor that protected them from below. They omitted the ceiling that would have constrained them from above. This was the predictable output of a drafting process controlled by the people who would lose most from a maximum age clause.
We are now going to use that document to extend the term of an 83-year-old man by two additional years. We have done it in a country where the median citizen is 19 years old. We have done it through a hearing process that lasted four days. We have done it while dissolving the Gender Commission, stripping the military’s duty to uphold the constitution, and handing the voters’ roll to a presidential appointee.
Since we are already amending: let us write the section the old geezers in 2013 chose not to write.
A country should be governed by people who expect to live in it.
Kumbirai Thierry Nhamo is an independent writer, social commentator and social justice activist. He can be contacted by email kumbiraithierryn@gmail.com 

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ZICOMO statement on Zimbabwe’s 46th Independence anniversary

Source: ZICOMO statement on Zimbabwe’s 46th Independence anniversary The Zimbabwe Constitutional Movement (ZICOMO) extends heartfelt wishes to the people of Zimbabwe as we come together to celebrate a significant day—Independence Day—on April 18, 2026. This year, we unite in recognition of the 46th anniversary of our independence, a pivotal moment in our history that not […]

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Source: ZICOMO statement on Zimbabwe’s 46th Independence anniversary

The Zimbabwe Constitutional Movement (ZICOMO) extends heartfelt wishes to the people of Zimbabwe as we come together to celebrate a significant day—Independence Day—on April 18, 2026.

This year, we unite in recognition of the 46th anniversary of our independence, a pivotal moment in our history that not only signified the end of colonial rule but also heralded our long-awaited democratic breakthrough.

Independence Day is not merely a date on the calendar; it serves as an important reminder of our past—the struggles, sacrifices, and unwavering commitment of thousands of individuals who fought for our freedom. It invites us to reflect deeply on our journey and to remember the price that was paid for the independence we enjoy today.

As we commemorate this day, it is imperative to confront a crucial question: Who truly enjoys the fruits of Independence in Zimbabwe today? The stark reality is that many of our fellow citizens—particularly vulnerable populations among us including widows, the elderly, opharns, and people with disabilities—continue to survive with profound hardships.

Those who toil daily to make ends meet, the unemployed, the informal traders, vendors striving for survival, and civil servants who receive meagre allowances face increasing challenges. Additionally, informal traders and Small-Medium businesses continue to endure harassment at the hands of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) and Municipal police officers, fostering a sense of disillusionment with the promises of independence and democracy. Their struggles reveal a failure that goes beyond party politics; it is a systemic issue that reflects a deep-rooted inequality, one that can be attributed solely to the current ZANU-PF manifesto of a small, powerful elite.

As we commemorate our Independence Day, it is important to reflect on the socio-economic challenges facing our nation. Many Zimbabweans are experiencing severe poverty and underdevelopment. This situation can be largely attributed to misplaced priorities established by an elite class, which engages in primitive accumulation of wealth. As a result,  Zimbabwe is being treated more like a private entity than as a sovereign nation, contributing to the ongoing challenges faced by the majority of its citizens. This elite group often behaves as though they are above the law, highlighting a disparity in how wealth is displayed and treated in the country.

While some individuals may flaunt large amounts of foreign currency, many small traders find themselves in legal trouble for operating with modest sums, such as a $20 USD note, in public markets and town squares across cities like Harare’s Fourth Street, Bulawayo’s Tredgegold, at OK Supermarket in Gweru, Moto-Moto Mutare, and at Wimpy in Masvingo. Additionally, small-scale cross-border traders, who are predominantly women and youth striving to support their families, often have their goods confiscated by revenue officers at various border points. In contrast, the elite class, tenderpreneurs (zviganandas) frequently donate cars and cash without fulfilling their tax obligations, further emphasizing the economic inequalities in Zimbabwe.

This has led to a disheartening rise in inequality, with joblessness remaining a defining characteristic of our purported economic growth.

The elite class (Zvigananda) are above the law, whilst the toiling masses suffer from lawfare and a brazen, dirty, corrupt police and Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA) system.We continue to observe the exploitation and exclusion of villagers in the ongoing resource extraction taking place in their regions. The unfortunate realities faced by communities in Mutoko, Marange, Gwanda, Hwange, Gutu, Buhera, and Inyathi, among others, are disheartening. Forty-six years after independence, ordinary Zimbabweans are still treated as second-class citizens, while corrupt state officials accept small bribes to favour foreign investors.

The liberty and freedom of villagers are under systematic attack.

Fundamentally, we face an ongoing struggle against a predatory elite cabal that seeks to manipulate our hard-won democratic framework to serve their narrow interests.

As we reflect on the significance of Independence Day, we are reminded of the selfless sacrifices made by the sons and daughters of our land who took up arms against colonial oppression. Their fight was not merely for liberation but was also deeply rooted in addressing the economic and racial injustices that plagued our society. The struggle encompassed the fight for land—land that had been unjustly appropriated by the minority white population—as well as the fight for One-Man-One-Vote, essential for dismantling a constitutional order that had historically marginalised the black majority, relegating them to the depths of poverty and segregation.

The date of April 18, 1980, marked a watershed moment when the Union Jack was lowered, giving way to the Zimbabwean flag—a powerful symbol of new hope and prosperity.

We take pride in the fact that in 2013, the people of Zimbabwe crafted their own constitution and participated in a referendum to adopt the new charter, a momentous achievement reflecting the collective will of our citizens.

Unfortunately, this hard-earned national contract is now under siege, as a reactionary clique in this government appears intent on dismantling it piece by piece. The introduction of the Constitutional Amendment Number 3, Bill of 2026, is a regression that undermines the aspirations our people hold dear: the very values for which many sacrificed their lives during the liberation struggle. Whilst constitutions can be amended from time to time, the process has to be legal and consultative. Changing the supreme contract without a referendum is the worst sign of dictatorship.

These amendments signal a disturbing trend: a calculated move to transform Zimbabwe into a one-party state, a dynasty with President Mnangagwa positioning to crown himself Munhumutapa III, edging the nation toward an absolute monarchy. The fundamental rights that we fought for—such as the rights to freedom of assembly and expression—are increasingly under threat as ZANU-PF seeks to solidify its authoritarian grip on power.

The disheartening scenes witnessed during recent public hearings, where citizens were systematically silenced and denied the opportunity to participate freely, represent a serious affront to our democracy and merit unyielding condemnation.

The unlawful dismissal of Jessie Majome, who served as the Chairperson of the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission (ZHRC) follows a recent pattern of capture of opposition political parties through choreographed recalls and court judgements at whose heart is to destroy voices of dissent.

On November 24, 2017, the military described its operations as a mission to “restore order,” specifically targeting individuals accused of theft in close proximity to then-President Mugabe. Now, with the introduction of a proposed Constitutional Amendment, there is a movement to redefine the military’s role. Instead of primarily focusing on upholding the Constitution and saluting the national flag, the proposal suggests that the military’s responsibilities should shift toward “defending/protecting Munhumutapa III.” This raises important questions for our state institutions: Are these policies and constitutional changes aimed at fostering a new vision for a great Zimbabwe, or do they risk undermining the sacrifices made by those who fought for our independence?

It is particularly disheartening that these developments are occurring just before the anniversary of our nation’s independence, a time that should be marked by the celebration of our democratic values and human rights.

In response to these urgent issues, we call on all Zimbabweans to stand firm in our diversity as a powerful force and to fiercely resist the erosion of our constitution. This fight is not just a reflection of our liberation struggle but is essential for fulfilling the aspirations of the post-independence generations.

We cannot afford to be complacent. If we allow this constitutional dismantling to continue unchecked, we risk facing even more severe amendments—such as Amendment Number 4—which would lead our nation straight into a full blown dictatorship, banning political parties and civil society. It is time to act decisively and protect democracy and our hard won independence.

The proposed “national title deeds” on the agricultural land program is similar but different in methodology from the colonisation of Zimbabwe itself. The proposal to force farmers to pay the upper of $2000 USD per hectare seeks to ensure that the current Zvigananda and their foreign collaborators become the new landed class in Zimbabwe. They want to install themselves as the new “billionaires” without even producing a matchstick. This will automatically reduce ordinary people from being citizens to slaves. This must be resisted even if it means another revolution. Land is our birthright!

We must unite to defend the hard-won freedoms that define our nation and uphold the democratic ideals our forebears fought so valiantly to establish. It is imperative that Zimbabwe returns to order and constitutionalism. Our taxes should unequivocally be allocated toward building our hospitals, schools, and public transport systems, as well as supporting restorative justice for issues like Gukurahundi, and providing for civil servants and war veterans. The current abuse of our tax money to bribe political actors with cash and cars is just as reprehensible as Ian Smith’s use of hut taxes to finance arms that oppressed the majority of black Zimbabweans. This must end.

Happy Independence Zimbabwe. May 2026 be the year of the people! 

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President reaffirms commitment to war veterans welfare

Source: President reaffirms commitment to war veterans welfare – herald Farai Dauramanzi in MAPHISA PRESIDENT Mnangagwa has handed over three houses, built under the Presidential War Veterans Housing Scheme, to veterans of the liberation struggle in Maphisa, reaffirming Government’s commitment to improving the welfare of liberation war heroes. The President, who was accompanied by the […]

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Source: President reaffirms commitment to war veterans welfare – herald

Farai Dauramanzi in MAPHISA

PRESIDENT Mnangagwa has handed over three houses, built under the Presidential War Veterans Housing Scheme, to veterans of the liberation struggle in Maphisa, reaffirming Government’s commitment to improving the welfare of liberation war heroes.

The President, who was accompanied by the First Lady, Dr Auxillia Mnangagwa, commissioned and toured the houses before handing over grocery hampers and bicycles to the liberation heroes.

He then commissioned one of the boreholes drilled in Maphisa under the Presidential Borehole Drilling Scheme. ZANU PF Secretary for War Veterans, Ex-Political Prisoners, Detainees and Restrictees, and Non-combatant Cadres, Cde Douglas Mahiya, thanked the President for championing the welfare of war veterans and explained that the War Veterans Housing Scheme is an ongoing programme that targets building houses for war veterans nationwide.

“We have a listening president, who initiated empowerment programmes for us war veterans, the housing for war veterans programme, the borehole drilling programme, and many other empowerment programmes.

“On behalf of the war veterans, I thank the President so much that we wish him to live longer. It is these programmes that we believe should continue up to 2030, hence Constitutional Amendment Number 3 Bill.

“We support the idea that the President has got to be in office up to 2030 so that these programmes continue,” he said.

Speaking on the sidelines of the ceremony, Veterans of the Liberation Struggle Affairs Minister Monica Mavhunga thanked the President for taking good care of war veterans.

“I want to thank the president because he saw it fit to establish a fully-fledged ministry, which I head, the ministry that is looking into the welfare and economic empowerment of the war veterans.

“I am happy that the issuing of these houses is being done this time when we are celebrating our hard-won independence,” said Minister Mavhunga.

She also thanked Presidential Advisor Dr Paul Tungwarara for supporting the various Presidential schemes aimed at uplifting the lives of liberation war fighters.

“I want to thank His Excellency for giving us his Special Advisor, Dr Tungwarara. We are working well with him in all the empowerment projects that are being extended to all veterans,” she said.

The Presidential War Veterans Housing Scheme targets the construction of decent accommodation for war veterans across the country, with Maphisa being among the latest beneficiaries.

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Zimbabwe Gets Its AI Moment: Econet’s New Unit Opens the Door to Enterprise-Grade Computing

For years, the conversation around artificial intelligence in Zimbabwe has been largely aspirational — a subject of policy documents, conference panels, and cautious optimism rather than deployable infrastructure. That changed this week. Econet Wireless, Zimbabwe’s largest telecommunications group, has formally launched Econet AI, a dedicated business unit designed to bring enterprise-grade artificial intelligence capabilities within […]

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For years, the conversation around artificial intelligence in Zimbabwe has been largely aspirational — a subject of policy documents, conference panels, and cautious optimism rather than deployable infrastructure. That changed this week.

Econet Wireless, Zimbabwe’s largest telecommunications group, has formally launched Econet AI, a dedicated business unit designed to bring enterprise-grade artificial intelligence capabilities within reach of local companies for the first time. The announcement marks one of the most significant technology-industry moves in the country’s recent history and signals a broader ambition to position Zimbabwe as a serious participant in Africa’s emerging AI economy.

According to reporting by NewZwire, which first broke the details of the launch, Econet AI will roll out a platform called Cassava AiCloud. This cloud computing environment allows Zimbabwean businesses to run data-intensive workloads on high-performance infrastructure powered by NVIDIA GPUs. The compute infrastructure itself is hosted at the Cassava AI Factory in South Africa, currently described as the only facility of its kind on the continent. Critically, the model is designed so that enterprises do not need to build or own any of the underlying systems themselves, dramatically lowering the barrier to entry that has historically kept advanced computing out of reach for most African businesses.

The practical applications are broad. Econet Deputy CEO Roy Chimanikire pointed to fraud detection in financial services, precision farming tools for the agriculture sector, predictive maintenance in mining operations, and diagnostic support in healthcare — sectors that together account for a substantial share of Zimbabwe’s formal economic activity. For smaller and mid-sized businesses, the shift from expensive on-premise infrastructure to scalable cloud-based AI tools could compress years of digital transformation into a much shorter window.

Econet Group CEO Douglas Mboweni framed the launch as a pivot from experimentation to commercial deployment. “We are now ready to take these solutions to the market and share capabilities drawn from some of the best technology companies in the world,” he said, positioning Econet not merely as a connectivity provider but as a full-spectrum technology partner for the country’s modernising private sector.

The Infrastructure Question

One of the most persistent obstacles to AI adoption across sub-Saharan Africa has been the infrastructure gap. Training and running large AI models requires substantial computing power — the kind typically housed in hyperscale data centres that, until recently, existed only in North America, Europe, and parts of Asia. The cost of accessing that compute remotely, combined with latency challenges and data sovereignty concerns, made serious AI deployment impractical for most African enterprises.

The Cassava AI Factory model attempts to address several of these problems simultaneously. By situating GPU infrastructure on the continent — even if currently in South Africa rather than Zimbabwe itself — the platform reduces latency, brings data closer to home, and makes the unit economics of cloud AI more competitive for regional businesses. Navdeep Kapur, CEO of Econet AI, said the unit’s focus will be on building systems tailored specifically to African market conditions rather than importing solutions designed for different economic and social contexts. “Our vision is to build AI that is not only powerful, but relevant to African contexts,” he said. “By bringing compute infrastructure closer to home, we are enabling businesses and institutions to innovate faster, more securely and more effectively.”

It is a point worth emphasising. Much of the AI tooling currently available to African businesses is built on datasets, assumptions, and use-case frameworks that reflect Western or East Asian contexts. Agricultural AI trained on American Midwest farm data performs differently on smallholder plots in Mashonaland. Credit scoring models built on Western banking behaviour may misclassify risk in high-informality economies. The promise of Econet AI, if it delivers, is not simply access to more computing power but access to AI systems calibrated for the realities of doing business in Zimbabwe and the broader region.


Government Alignment and Policy Momentum

The launch arrives at a moment of unusual policy coherence. Zimbabwe’s Ministry of ICT, Postal and Courier Services recently published a national AI policy, and Minister Tatenda Mavetera has been among the more active voices in the region on the subject of digital transformation. “Artificial intelligence is no longer a futuristic concept — it is a present-day driver of economic growth, efficiency and innovation,” she said at the launch, describing AI as central to the ministry’s current strategic agenda.

The existence of a national AI strategy matters for reasons beyond symbolism. It provides a governance framework within which private sector deployments like Econet AI can operate with greater regulatory predictability — an important consideration for multinational technology partners evaluating whether to invest in the ecosystem. It also creates a basis for procurement decisions in the public sector, where AI applications in areas such as tax administration, land registry management, healthcare delivery and education could generate significant efficiency gains.

Hardy Pemhiwa, President and CEO of Cassava Technologies — the parent entity behind much of the infrastructure being deployed — was direct about what he sees as the strategic stakes. “Artificial intelligence is not an incremental improvement — it is a structural shift,” he said. “Countries that respond to structural change with operational fixes will fall behind. Zimbabwe has made a deliberate and bold decision to lead, not follow.” Whether that ambition is matched by the execution will become clearer as the platform scales.

The Governance Dimension

Notably, the Econet AI launch did not shy away from the harder questions around responsible deployment. Chimanikire explicitly flagged governance risks as a parallel concern to capability development, calling out transparency, accountability, fairness, and data privacy as principles that must be embedded from the outset rather than bolted on after the fact. “We have moved from policy to execution. The technology is here, it is operational, and it is accessible,” he said. “The opportunity is immediate — and the time to act is now.”

That emphasis on governance is significant in an African context, where the rapid rollout of technology platforms has sometimes outpaced the regulatory and institutional capacity to manage their consequences. Biometric surveillance tools, opaque credit-scoring algorithms, and social media platforms operating with minimal local oversight have all generated controversy elsewhere on the continent. A credible commitment to responsible AI from one of Zimbabwe’s largest and most visible corporates could help set a higher standard for the industry more broadly.

Broader Context: AI and Zimbabwe’s Economic Moment

The timing of the Econet AI launch is not incidental. As previously reported, Zimbabwe’s economy grew by 7.5% in 2025 according to IMF figures, outpacing both government forecasts and the continental average, with the Fund projecting continued above-average growth of 5% in 2026. The IMF has also initiated a Staff-Monitored Programme with the government, widely interpreted as a stepping stone toward structured debt relief and renewed access to international capital markets.

In that context, the development of domestic AI capability is not merely a technology story — it is an economic one. If AI tools can genuinely improve productivity in agriculture, reduce losses to fraud in financial services, extend the reach of healthcare diagnostics, and assist mining operations in extracting greater value from existing reserves, the macroeconomic implications compound over time. The challenge Zimbabwe faces is not a shortage of growth, but a shortage of productivity-driven, broad-based growth. Technology infrastructure of the kind Econet AI is deploying could, if adopted at scale, help shift that equation.

The risk, of course, is that access to advanced AI platforms remains concentrated among large corporates, further widening the gap between the formal and informal economies that characterise much of Zimbabwe’s economic activity. Ensuring that SMEs, agricultural cooperatives, and public institutions can meaningfully access and afford these tools — rather than just the country’s largest banks and mining houses — will be the real test of whether this launch delivers on its inclusive ambitions.

For now, the technology is live, the infrastructure is in place, and the market is watching.


Sources: NewZwire; IMF World Economic Outlook, April 2026; Cassava Technologies press materials.

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