Ramaphosa Distances Government from Vigilante Immigration Checks Amid Rising Xenophobia Concerns

PRETORIA, South Africa – South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has publicly distanced his government from a growing trend of civilian-led immigration enforcement, warning that only authorised state institutions have the legal authority to police immigration violations. The President’s remarks come amid mounting concerns over the emergence of self-appointed groups conducting identity checks in public spaces, […]

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PRETORIA, South Africa – South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has publicly distanced his government from a growing trend of civilian-led immigration enforcement, warning that only authorised state institutions have the legal authority to police immigration violations.

The President’s remarks come amid mounting concerns over the emergence of self-appointed groups conducting identity checks in public spaces, targeting suspected undocumented migrants in what rights groups have described as a dangerous escalation of xenophobic vigilantism.

In a statement posted on social media platform X, Ramaphosa stressed that immigration enforcement remains exclusively the responsibility of the state and warned citizens against taking the law into their own hands.

“I must make it clear that only authorised government officials may act against violations of the law, including violations of our immigration laws. No other person is allowed, for example, to confront someone in the street to demand proof of nationality,” Ramaphosa said.

The intervention follows reports of increasing incidents in which groups of residents have allegedly stopped individuals in townships and urban centres, demanding identification documents and proof of citizenship. In some cases, those targeted have reportedly faced intimidation, detention, and physical assault.

Xenophobia Returns to the National Spotlight

South Africa has long struggled with periodic outbreaks of xenophobic violence, particularly against migrants from other African countries. Foreign nationals from countries such as Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Mozambique, Ghana, and Ethiopia have frequently borne the brunt of attacks during periods of social and economic strain.

Analysts note that high unemployment, deep economic inequality, pressure on public services, and competition within the informal sector have created fertile ground for anti-immigrant sentiment. South Africa’s unemployment rate remains among the highest in the world, with many communities facing severe economic hardship.

In recent years, frustrations over illegal immigration and perceptions that foreign nationals are competing for jobs, housing, and business opportunities have increasingly become political flashpoints. Several activist groups have emerged advocating stricter immigration controls, while critics argue that some movements have fuelled xenophobic rhetoric and vigilantism.

Human rights organisations have warned that the rise of street-level immigration checks risks legitimising discrimination and undermining constitutional protections.

Government Promises Tougher Immigration Controls

While rejecting vigilantism, Ramaphosa acknowledged growing public concern about illegal immigration and pledged that his administration would strengthen formal enforcement mechanisms.

Speaking on the country’s immigration challenges, the President outlined plans to tighten border security, crack down on violations of immigration and labour laws, combat corruption within immigration agencies, and improve the effectiveness of deportation and documentation systems.

“We will act against forces that are exploiting the concerns of our people about illegal immigration to further their political, personal or criminal agendas,” he said.

The government also intends to deepen cooperation with neighbouring African states and regional partners to address migration pressures through coordinated policy responses.

Officials argue that stronger institutional enforcement is necessary to restore public confidence while preventing the emergence of parallel systems of justice that could destabilise communities.

Regional and Diplomatic Implications

The issue has increasingly attracted attention across the continent. In previous waves of xenophobic unrest, several African governments issued travel advisories to their citizens living in South Africa, while some organised emergency evacuations following attacks on migrant-owned businesses and residential areas.

The recurring violence has periodically strained South Africa’s diplomatic relations with fellow African nations and raised questions about Pretoria’s commitment to pan-African solidarity.

Political analysts say Ramaphosa’s latest intervention reflects growing concern within government that localised incidents could escalate into a broader crisis with regional implications.

“South Africa faces a delicate balancing act,” said one political observer. “The government must demonstrate that it can effectively manage immigration while also protecting the rights and safety of all people living within its borders.”

A Test of Social Cohesion

The latest controversy highlights South Africa’s ongoing struggle to balance national security, immigration management, economic realities, and social cohesion.

As authorities move to reinforce official immigration enforcement, the broader challenge remains addressing the underlying socio-economic conditions that continue to fuel resentment toward migrants.

For Pretoria, the stakes extend beyond immigration policy. The government’s response will be closely watched both domestically and across Africa as it seeks to prevent public frustration from evolving into a new cycle of xenophobic violence and diplomatic fallout.

With tensions simmering in several communities, Ramaphosa’s message was clear: immigration enforcement belongs to the state, and any attempt by civilians to assume that role risks undermining the rule of law and deepening divisions within South African society.

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ZSE loses US$1.16bn as delistings deepen market shrinkage

Zimbabwe’s main stock market is facing mounting pressure after losing an estimated US$1.16 billion in market value since the beginning of the year, with the departure of major listed companies led by Econet Wireless Zimbabwe intensifying concerns over the future of the bourse. The decline comes as the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange grapples with a shrinking […]

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Zimbabwe’s main stock market is facing mounting pressure after losing an estimated US$1.16 billion in market value since the beginning of the year, with the departure of major listed companies led by Econet Wireless Zimbabwe intensifying concerns over the future of the bourse.

The decline comes as the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange grapples with a shrinking pool of listed companies, raising fresh questions about its ability to attract and retain firms in an environment characterised by limited liquidity and growing competition from alternative markets.

Econet’s exit from the exchange in March marked one of the most significant developments on the local capital market this year. The telecommunications giant’s delisting removed one of the ZSE’s largest and most actively traded counters, delivering a major blow to overall market capitalisation.

The impact has been substantial.

The ZSE ended 2025 with a market capitalisation equivalent to US$3.23 billion. Investor activity surged during the first quarter, pushing the figure to US$4.43 billion by the end of March as traders positioned themselves around Econet’s delisting.

However, by last Friday, market capitalisation had retreated to US$3.26 billion, effectively erasing much of the first-quarter gains and resulting in an overall decline of approximately US$1.16 billion since the start of the year.

The pressure on the exchange is expected to intensify further, with TSL Limited and First Mutual Properties Limited also expected to leave the bourse in the coming weeks.

The anticipated departures have heightened concerns about the continued contraction of the ZSE and its diminishing appeal to both investors and issuers.

In response, the exchange has introduced a series of temporary measures aimed at attracting new listings and reversing the decline.

Among the most significant reforms is the reduction of the minimum market capitalisation requirement for listing, alongside a relaxation of free-float requirements from 30 percent to a minimum of 10 percent. The exchange has also eased shareholder spread rules and waived initial listing fees.

The incentives will remain in place for the next three years.

Stockbroking firm FBC Securities said the reforms could help support market activity over the medium term.

“The outlook for the ZSE over the next three to six months follows the 36-month window of relaxed listing requirements under Practice Note 18,” the brokerage said in its May 2026 market report.

It noted that while the ZSE’s All-Share Index could continue rising, growth was likely to be slower than the 40 percent year-to-date increase already recorded.

FBC Securities identified currency stability as a key factor influencing investor confidence.

“The key watchpoint is the central bank’s ability to maintain forex reserves and support the stability of the ZiG, to protect the value of ZiG-denominated assets,” the firm said.

Despite the market contraction, trading activity has remained relatively resilient.

According to FBC Securities, turnover measured in ZiG increased by four percent in May compared to April, suggesting investors remain active despite the distortion caused by heavy trading in Econet shares ahead of the company’s delisting.

The brokerage attributed continued investor interest in equities to Zimbabwe’s relatively low inflation environment, which has helped preserve the value of ZiG-denominated assets.

However, currency pressures remain a concern.

FBC Securities noted that the interbank exchange rate weakened from 25.34 ZiG per US dollar on May 1 to 26.90 ZiG per US dollar by May 29, representing a six percent monthly depreciation.

The firm nevertheless argued that the country had avoided major external shocks and was benefiting from a more predictable economic environment.

Another brokerage, IH Securities, reported that the ZSE closed May in positive territory despite ongoing structural challenges.

“The Zimbabwe Stock Exchange closed May positively in both ZiG and USD terms, with market capitalisation expanding 6.87 percent month-on-month to ZiG87.62 billion and 5.20 percent month-on-month to US$2.74 billion,” the firm said.

IH Securities noted that the All-Share Index advanced 6.60 percent during the month, supported by investor demand for heavyweight stocks as a hedge against currency depreciation.

Even so, the brokerage said overall market capitalisation remained 5.53 percent lower on a year-to-date basis in ZiG terms.

While the ZSE struggles to stem the loss of listed firms, the Victoria Falls Stock Exchange continues to gain ground.

The United States dollar-denominated exchange recorded a market capitalisation of US$3.54 billion as of last Friday, up sharply from US$2.09 billion at the end of 2025.

The growth has seen the Victoria Falls Stock Exchange emerge as Zimbabwe’s largest stock market by value and increasingly the preferred destination for investors seeking exposure to local equities in a more stable currency environment.

With more delistings looming and competition intensifying, the coming months are expected to be critical for the ZSE as it seeks to rebuild its listing base and restore investor confidence.

Source – The Standard

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The Masvingo Police Commissioner’s Shake-up: Was it a Routine Transfer or a Cover-up for a Hidden CAB 3 Scandal?

Masvingo – The recent transfer of Commissioner Fredrick Mbengwa, the Police Officer Commanding Masvingo Province, to the Police General Headquarters in Harare has ignited a firestorm of speculation across Zimbabwe. This high-level reshuffle, occurring …

Masvingo – The recent transfer of Commissioner Fredrick Mbengwa, the Police Officer Commanding Masvingo Province, to the Police General Headquarters in Harare has ignited a firestorm of speculation across Zimbabwe. This high-level reshuffle, occurring barely eighteen months after Mbengwa’s promotion to the Masvingo post, has led many to question the true motives behind the move. […]

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Inside the scripted Parliament debate to extend Mnangagwa’s rule 

Source: Inside the scripted Parliament debate to extend Mnangagwa’s rule – The Standard In the cavernous, gleaming halls of Zimbabwe’s new Mount Hampden Parliament, a script is being performed with the kind of rhythmic precision that would make a metronome blush. To the casual observer, the debate over the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 3) […]

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Source: Inside the scripted Parliament debate to extend Mnangagwa’s rule – The Standard

In the cavernous, gleaming halls of Zimbabwe’s new Mount Hampden Parliament, a script is being performed with the kind of rhythmic precision that would make a metronome blush.

To the casual observer, the debate over the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 3) Bill (CAB3) might appear as a standard legislative process.

However, a deeper analysis of the Hansard records from the two days of the debate on CAB3 so far reveals a masterclass in coordinated political theatre.

The Zanu PF parliamentary caucus is not merely debating; they are following a meticulously defined path designed to dismantle the 2013 compromise constitution and install a framework for permanent executive dominance.

The bill, shorthand known as CAB3, represents a radical departure from the democratic ideals forged during the government of national unity.

It seeks to extend presidential terms from five to seven years, remove the direct election of the president in favor of an indirect parliamentary vote, and strip away the independence of oversight bodies.

To observe the Zanu PF MPs in this session is to witness a singular, state-sponsored chorus, where individual voices are subsumed into a pre-approved rhetorical playbook.

The most striking feature of the Zanu PF strategy is the reduction of democracy to a timeline of infrastructure projects.

The ruling party has successfully reframed the five-year term as a “distraction” from national development.

The messaging is so consistent that it relies on a specific set of sporting and agricultural analogies.

Perserverance Zhou, a prominent Zanu PF proportional representation MP from the Midlands, set the tone with a metaphor that has since become the party’s unofficial mantra: “Why not allow Kylian Mbappe to continue striking? Let him continue striking as a striker so that he scores many goals even as we envision in 2030… Can we stop Lionel Messi and substitute him while he is scoring?”

This “Mbappe Doctrine” implies that elections are an unnecessary “substitution” that interrupts the “game” of development.

This sentiment was mirrored across the aisle by Nyasha Batitsa, a Citizen Coalition for Change (CCC) MP aligned to self-imposed secretary-general Sengezo Tshabangu and Auxilia Dhanzi, a Zanu PF MP from the women’s quota in Masvingo, who claimed that communities in Masvingo believe “development programmes require adequate time to mature” and that a five-year term is a “short season [of] hunger,” whereas seven years represents a “bumper harvest.”

Joseph Mapiki , the Zanu PF MP for Shamva South, even added a folksy, albeit revealing, comparison: “when a bottle of beer is half-full and you are asked to top it up, it does not mean you are receiving a new bottle; rather, it signifies that more beer is being added to what you already have.”

The message is clear: the current leadership of President Emmerson Mnangagwa is the “half-full bottle,” and any request for an election is an interruption of the pour.

Perhaps the most radical proposal in CAB3 is Clause 3, which shifts the election of the president from the citizens to a joint sitting of Parliament.

 Here, the Zanu PF caucus followed a strictly defined path of citing specific international models to provide a veneer of legitimacy.

Speaker after speaker — including Sam Matema (Zanu PF MP for Buhera Centra), Chiduwa (Zanu PF MP for Zaka East), and Tendai Pinduka (Zanu PF MP for Guruve North) — cited South Africa, Botswana, India, and Germany as “models of perfection.”

To justify removing the citizen from the executive selection process, the caucus deployed a bizarrely uniform accounting metaphor.

Matema posited that because Parliament has the power to “remove or recall the president” under Section 97, it must, by the laws of “basic accounting,” have the power to appoint him.

“When you debit, you credit,” he argued.

This “T-account” logic was repeated almost verbatim by Patricia Machangu (Zanu PF for Lupane East) and Tanatsiwa Mukomberi the Zanu PF MP for Masvingo South, who claimed this would right the “toxicity” of the past three decades.

The opposition’s Thomas Muwodzeri (a pro-Jameson Timba CCC MP for Ruwa) saw through this immediately, noting that “you do not cure electoral violence by abolishing elections.”

 He warned that the amendment “strips the defence forces of their constitutional mandate to uphold the constitution itself,” turning the military into an “instrument of executive will” accountable only to its command hierarchy.

To provide intellectual cover for these moves, the party deployed its more academic members to engage in what can only be described as legal gymnastics.

 Zanu PF Bikita South Energy Mutodi’s contribution was a blizzard of Latin maxims, designed to argue that the bill does not require a referendum — a major sticking point for the opposition.

Invoking expressio unius est exclusio alterius (the expression of one is the exclusion of others) and generalia specialibus non derogant (general things do not detract from special things), Mutodi argued that because Section 328(6) only lists specific triggers for a referendum, any other amendment can be passed by a two-thirds majority in Parliament alone.

This is a “ratio decidendi,” he claimed, that would hold up in any court.

This high-brow approach was complemented by Matema’s “vector” theory.

He described CAB3 as a “legislative vector” where “direction” (the party’s path) matters more than “magnitude” (the length of the term or the speed of change).

It is a sophisticated way of telling the public that the rules don’t matter as much as the destination Zanu PF has chosen for them.

“Speed does not matter when the vectors are wrong,” Matema proclaimed, “I am glad that we got our legislative vectors right”.

However, CCC’s for Chinhoyi Lesley. Mhangwa, an engineer by trade, dismantled this logic.

He noted that in physics, magnitude — specifically the time spent in office — is essential.

“There is a dangerous precedent that is being set by this House, that term limits are elastic,” Mhangwa argued, pointing out that “real nation building is not achieved in one term” and that the “project” excuse is a fallacy.

The bill’s “rationalisation” of independent commissions reveals a darker intent to centralise control.

The dissolution of the Zimbabwe Gender Commission and its absorption into the Human Rights Commission was defended as “cost-saving” and “streamlining” by Zanu PF’s Patricia Kudhlande and Admire Mahachi (Zanu PF, Mutare North).

However, the debate on this clause revealed the only crack in the Zanu PF monolith.

Several female ruling party members, perhaps recognisng the tangible work the  commission has done for their constituents, expressed “deep concern.”

Zhou and Getrude Mutandi (Zanu PF), despite supporting the rest of the Bill, pleaded for the retention of a separate gender commission, arguing that folding it into a broader body would lead to “gender blindness” and a “retreat from international commitments.”

Zanu PF MP for Chipinge Central Amanda Chakakura went even further, asking, “What do we do with an institution that is working?… We do not abolish it. We strengthen it.”

This rare moment of internal friction was quickly smoothed over by the broader party narrative of “efficiency.”

Even more alarming is Clause 16, which alters the mandate of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces.

The military will no longer constitutionally mandated to “uphold” the constitution, but merely to act “in accordance with” it.

Mutodi justified this as a move toward “parliamentary executive supremacy,” arguing that a military that “upholds” the constitution might use that duty to resist a President or a Parliament it dislikes.

The implication is chilling: the military’s loyalty is being shifted from the law of the land to the person issuing the command.

Zanu PF’s final defensive wall is the claim of “overwhelming” public support.

Speaker after speaker cited the figure of 540 000 public submissions, with on MP claiming that 537 102 people supported the bill while only 2 935 opposed it.

“Figures do not lie,”   Machangu declared. Yet, the opposition painted a different picture of these hearings.

Mhangwa of Chinhoyi noted that consultations “skirted the provincial capital” and that “civil servants whispered their thoughts, fearing reprimand.”

CCC’s Nomvula Mguni, representing the women of Bulawayo, spoke of a “lived problem” where the transferred mandates would remain “on paper only” and fail to protect women in marginalised areas like Cowdray Park.

The debate in the National Assembly is less a deliberation and more a coronation of a new political order.

Zanu PF MPs have been directed to argue that the 2013 constitution was merely a “negotiated compromise” or a “relic frozen in time.”

They have been instructed to frame the “legislative zero hour” as a “Rubicon moment” where the nation must “crossover” for the greater good.

As Matema put it in his concluding remarks, “We do not have any other route but to cross over with this constitutional amendment for the greater good.”

 It is a path defined by the party, paved with borehole statistics and Latin phrases, leading away from the ballot box and toward a permanent, unshakeable executive.

In the words of the ruling party’s own “Mbappe” doctrine: the striker has the ball, the clock has been lengthened, and the crowd — at least according to the official stats — is cheering.

Debate on controversial bill will resume on Monday with voting expected during the week.

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War vets hit Mnangagwa again 

Source: War vets hit Mnangagwa again – The Standard The war veterans, who dragged President Emmerson Mnangagwa to the Constitutional Court, have launched a third legal application following the commencement of parliamentary debate on constitutional amendments seeking to extend the 83-year-old ruler’s term in office by two years. The ex-combatants filed the case to block […]

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Source: War vets hit Mnangagwa again – The Standard

The war veterans, who dragged President Emmerson Mnangagwa to the Constitutional Court, have launched a third legal application following the commencement of parliamentary debate on constitutional amendments seeking to extend the 83-year-old ruler’s term in office by two years.

The ex-combatants filed the case to block proposed amendments that would extend the presidential term from five to seven years, potentially allowing Mnangagwa to remain in power until 2030.

Represented by constitutional lawyer Lovemore Madhuku, the legal challenge focuses on several core arguments, including an alleged conflict of interest.

 The applicants argue that Mnangagwa personally breached constitutional obligations under Sections 90 and 196 by chairing the Cabinet meeting that approved a draft Bill from which he would directly benefit.

The case relies heavily on Section 328(7) of the constitution, which prohibits any term-limit extensions from directly benefiting the current officeholder.

 They are also challenging provisions that propose selecting presidents via a parliamentary vote rather than through direct popular elections, arguing this violates citizens’ political and voting rights.

 The war veterans are seeking a court order to declare the Cabinet’s approval of Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 (CAB3) null and void, and to interdict Mnangagwa from signing the draft law into effect.

In their latest application, the war veterans and Mike Matanga are seeking relief “in the public interest” after Parliament, the president, the attorney general, and the Justice minister ignored their petition calling for a national referendum on CAB3.

More than 500 war veterans are reportedly against the enactment of Clauses 3, 4, and 9 of the Bill without such a referendum.

“The 50 war veterans who signed the petition are those that were quickly available in Harare to sign it,” the application states, asserting that Clauses 3, 4, and 9 require a national referendum under Section 328 (6) and (9) of the constitution.

“Regardless of the legal position above, both the executive and the legislature remain adamant about enacting the mentioned clauses despite several efforts made by concerned war veterans seeking a national referendum,” the applications.

In his founding affidavit, Matanga submitted that Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs minister Ziyambi Ziyambi—as head of government business—categorically denied that the Bill requires a referendum immediately following public consultation hearings.

The applicants also quoted Ziyambi stating the bill would be enacted using a two-thirds majority in Parliament.

Matanga argued that because Clauses 3, 4, and 9 require a national referendum, any attempt to enact the bill using only a parliamentary majority infringes upon the right of every ordinary citizen to vote in all referendums to which the constitution applies.

Such conduct, he argued, violates Section 67 (3) (a) and further infringes the right of adult citizens not to be treated in an unfairly discriminatory manner based on class or social status.

 “In this case, unfair discrimination against ordinary adult citizens occurs as follows: On one hand, Section 67 (3) (a) of the constitution allows more than eight million citizens to vote for or against Clauses 3, 4, and 9 of the bill through a referendum regardless of such citizens’ class or social status,” Matanga submitted.

“On the other hand, the government intends to allow only the 350 members of Parliament to vote for such clauses because of their class or social status”.

Matanga concluded that the constitution requires the courts to intervene when a fundamental human right is likely to be infringed.

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