Zim News Blog -NEWS NETWORK

Source: Church, council partner for safer births – The Standard

The expectant mothers of Rimuka and its surrounding suburbs are set to benefit from a landmark healthcare transformation following a strategic partnership between The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and the Kadoma City Council.

This collaboration is aimed at an extensive renovation of the Rimuka Maternity Home, turning it into a state-of-the-art facility designed to meet the growing demands of a modern urban population.

For years, the facility has struggled under the weight of ageing infrastructure and a surge in demand from high-density suburbs such as Ingezi, Victory Park, and Cherrybank.

The new project seeks to alleviate these pressures by modernising both the physical environment and the medical tools available to staff, thereby reducing maternal and infant health complications.

According to the Kadoma City Council spokesperson, Walter Ndlovu, the scope of the project is comprehensive.

Renovations will include the installation of new floor tiling, fresh painting, and critical ceiling repairs.

Perhaps most significantly for patient dignity, the project includes ward partitioning to improve privacy and ensure a smoother flow of patients through the facility.

 “Every detail is being addressed to ensure safe and dignified healthcare delivery,” Ndlovu said, highlighting that the upgrades extend to the installation of reliable water and hot water systems.

The modernisation also encompasses a significant investment in medical and utility equipment.

The facility will receive upgraded delivery rooms and essential industrial appliances, including a new laundry machine and a heavy-duty iron.

To maintain the highest standards of hygiene and safety, an autoclaving machine for the sterilisation of medical equipment is also being installed.

Kadoma mayor Nigel Ruzario hailed the investment as a “significant milestone” for the city’s healthcare system.

He emphasised that the partnership demonstrates the power of local authorities working alongside development partners to achieve common goals.

“Every mother in Kadoma deserves safe, dignified healthcare, and this renovation brings us closer to that goal,” the mayor said, adding that the finished facility will provide a vastly improved experience for both mothers and their newborns.

From the perspective of the church, the project is an extension of their spiritual work through their humanitarian programme.

Wellington Mbira, the church’s Kadoma district president, explained that the initiative reflects a core commitment to community service.

 “It is the duty of the church to preach the gospel and also serve the communities where we live,” Mbira said, noting that strengthening maternal health is a fundamental pillar of broader community development.

To facilitate these extensive construction works, the Rimuka Maternity Home will officially close its doors for 12 weeks, effective June 15. During this period, all maternity and delivery services will be temporarily diverted to Kadoma General Hospital.

However, the council has assured residents that Family and Child Health services will continue to operate from the Rimuka site throughout the renovation period to ensure continuity of routine care.

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Source: The farce of Lacoste’s term extension ploy – The Standard

Retired Air Vice-Marshal Henry Muchena

MY Dear People,

The fallout between the scarfed one and retired army generals has laid bare the internal tussles within the ruining party Zanu PF, which are based on the fight to entrench snouts in the feeding trough.

We are told that the meeting between the former soldiers and the scarfed one ended acrimoniously, with the octogenarian even declaring: “Whoever wins, wins.”

This, of course, is a far cry from the repeated declaration by the scarfed one that he would not be swayed to stay in office beyond 2028 by his Lacoste faction that is desperate to block Generari’s ascendancy.

Just as I expected, such a promise was utter codswallop. Given the greed for power in the party, it would have been a miracle of biblical proportions had the scarfed one not come up with a way to cling tenaciously to power.

What I found ironic is that these former army generals have suddenly become constitutional champions in speaking against the scandalous pillaging of the country’s supreme law, but were nowhere to be seen when Gushungo was removed in a manner that violated the same constitution they now claim to protect.

Muchena and co are now learning the hard way why constitutionalism should always be adhered to and not only when it suits them.

The dastardly coup of 2017, which led to the loss of the profound wise leadership of Gushungo, has opened the floodgates for the shredding of constitutionalism.

Munopengaaa!!!

The report of the outcome of the public consultations on the mutilation of the constitution by parliament is not only ridiculous, but downright embarrassing.

It claims, with no sense of shame, that out of the 67 688 public hearings submissions, only 386 were against the amendments borne of personal selfish interests.

The nonsensical report also claims that of more than 540 000 submissions, only less than 3 000 were against this constitutional coup.

These ridiculously lopsided figures are the outcome of people being forced to sign documents supporting the violation of the constitution as well as the shutting out of dissenting voices through threats and violence.

The bastardised parliament has long lost its integrity as it is stuffed by unelected charlatans disguised as members of the opposition.

In the least surprising development, the parliamentary imposters led by self-imposed secretary-general of the Citizens’ Coalition for Change, Sengezo Tshabangu, have said they would support the amendments.

After all, these individuals are merely puppets who owe their parliamentary seats to the regime, who engineered their entry into the not so august house.

Through supporting these scandalous amendments, the Tshabangu-led charlatans are now carrying out their role for which they were imposed on the country’s citizens.

All in all, the process to pillage the constitution and give the laughable impression that the country’s citizens yearn for the extension of the vapid leadership of Scarfmore, has turned out to be a shameful farce.

Munopengaaa!!!

The embarrassing levels of desperation of the dispensation of poverty, darkness and confusion to foist itself on the country’s citizens for another two years without the niceties of going to elections was not the only farce in town.

We also had the reopening of the National Sports Stadium which hosted the league match between league champions Scottland and Caps United.

The reopening of the stadium was supposed to showcase the positive developments of the refurbished stadium.

It instead became a subject of widespread ridicule and contempt.

The reopening of the stadium revealed embarrassing shortcomings, including the failure to install cubicles in the toilets at the facility, which denies one privacy while using the toilet.

One cartoon has aptly depicted the shambles at the stadium, showing befuddled Confederation of African Football and Fifa inspectors being informed that the lack of cubicles would allow soccer enthusiasts to interact, socialise and analyse the results while they relieve themselves kkkkkk.

It brings into question just how tenders for such shoddy workmanship are awarded.

Indeed, the tender procurement system in the country has gone to the dogs since Scarfmore and co were propelled into power on the back of guns and tanks.

Bizarrely sofas were carried into the stadium as the bucket seats in the facility are apparently not good enough for Doctor Amai II to sit and watch the game.

Someone should tell these deluded bootlickers that such acts of trudging sofas into a stadium for a game of just 90 minutes does not elevate the status of Dr Amai II, if anything it demeans it.

Munopengaaa!!!

Still on Dr Amai II, eyebrows were raised when the scarfed one hosted the Zimbabwe Outstanding Women Awards.

At the ceremony, the scarfed one took the opportunity to give yet another award to his wife Dr Amai II over and above other awards he has bestowed on her since being propelled into power.

This has become a laughing stock. Dr Amai II must now hold some sort of record for awards bestowed by a presidential husband kkkkk.

The awards ceremony which were meant to recognise women who have excelled in various fields was reduced to a damp squib as the ceremony was mainly to award their kith and kin, including Mabel, Barbra and even Oppah. Talk about a non-event!!!

Munopengaaaaaaaaa

Stop It!

Dr Amai

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Source: Roots, pills and quite burials: Inside Epworth’s unsafe abortions, deaths – The Standard

“I found out I was pregnant at sixteen. I was scared and ashamed. I went to someone in the community who said she could help. I didn’t know it was dangerous,” recalls Tarisai Mpofu (not her real name), now 23.

Her story, though harrowing, is a common one in Epworth on the outskirts of Harare, where the “shadow economy” of illegal abortions thrives in the face of legal gaps and deep-seated stigma.

After two attempts with pills, Tarisai’s third attempt involving a traditional root nearly killed her.

“I started coughing blood and lost consciousness. I thought I was going to die,” she said, adding that a doctor later told her that even a slight delay in reaching the hospital would have been fatal.

Mpofu’s desperation highlights a massive burden on Zimbabwe’s maternal health system.

While the 2023–24 Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey estimated the maternal mortality ratio at 212 deaths per 100 000 live births—a significant improvement—the rate remains unacceptably high.

In communities like Epworth, these statistics take on a grisly reality. Recently, the town was gripped by reports of a foetus unearthed from a shallow grave and dragged by a dog, an “ugly, whispered spectacle” that forced residents to confront the consequences of what is usually discussed only behind closed doors.

In the absence of clear, accessible, or non-stigmatised legal services, a black market of backyard clinics and unregulated providers has filled the void.

Methods range from misused medication to invasive home procedures and the use of dangerous plant materials, all of which doctors warn increase the risk of hemorrhage, sepsis, and long-term harm.

The World Health Organisation (WHO) notes that restrictive laws do not actually reduce the number of abortions; they simply make them more dangerous.

In Zimbabwe, it is estimated that 65 000 to 80 000 induced abortions occur annually, contributing to approximately 16% of maternal deaths.

On the front lines, the strain is visible.

“We patch them up, we send them home, and then they come back again,” said Sister Muzvidziwa, a senior nurse at Epworth Clinic, describing the “heartbreaking” cycle of preventable deaths and disabilities.

Zimbabwe’s current Termination of Pregnancy Act remains highly restrictive, theoretically allowing for termination only when the mother’s life is at risk.

However, Lorraine Mumba of the Community Working Group on Health (CWGH) explained that the administrative hurdles—including police reports and magisterial certificates—effectively shut the door for many. For rural women, the requirement for certification by two doctors is often an impossibility.

While there have been some court victories regarding minors and survivors of rape, Clause 11 of the Medical Services Amendment Bill, which sought to treat termination as a medical rather than criminal procedure, was recently removed in the Senate.

The debate is further complicated by the influence of the church.

While reverend Tendai Moyo preaches the sanctity of life, he also acknowledges the need for compassion: “We also must support women with counseling… so that the pressure to choose abortion is not born of desperation.”

 Sister Patricia, who runs the NGO Echoes of Hope, is more blunt about the economic drivers: “A woman choosing abortion is often choosing between hunger and hope. We can’t keep talking only about sin and law. We need to provide options”.

For many in Epworth, the issue is less about ideology and more about harm reduction. Poverty remains a primary driver; as local vendor Mercy Sibanda puts it, “When you can’t feed the children you have, you cannot bring another into the world.”

 Advocates are now calling for a multi-pronged approach: better sexual education, consistent access to contraception (to combat frequent clinic stock-outs), and training for healthcare workers in safe post-abortion care.

The Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR) emphasised that criminalisation merely shifts abortion from regulated medical settings to unsafe environments.

As the community of Epworth continues to grapple with these “quiet decisions made when no one is looking,” the call for reform grows louder. As Sibanda concluded: “We may never all agree on the morality of abortion, but we can agree that women should not risk their lives. That is something we can fight for together.”

*Fadzai Ndangana is an investigative journalist at the Orbit International Youth Organisation.

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Source: The bullet cannot replace democracy -Newsday Zimbabwe

THE reported threats against human rights activist Youngerson Matete and civic leader Joelson Mugari are deeply disturbing and should alarm every Zimbabwean who values democracy, constitutionalism and the rule of law.

According to reports, Matete allegedly received a bullet accompanied by a message warning him to withdraw his court application challenging the Constitution Amendment No. 3 Bill.

Mugari, meanwhile, reportedly received anonymous threats warning him against mobilising citizens to demonstrate against the proposed constitutional changes.

Whether these threats originate from rogue individuals, political zealots or organised networks, they represent a dangerous attack on democratic participation.

In a constitutional democracy, citizens must be free to challenge laws in court, petition Parliament, organise peaceful demonstrations and express dissenting views without fear of violence or intimidation.

Once bullets become part of political discourse, democracy itself is placed under siege.

Zimbabwe has a long and painful history of political intimidation.

Time and again, periods of heightened political contestation have been accompanied by allegations of violence, abductions, torture and threats directed at activists, journalists, opposition politicians and civil society leaders.

What makes these incidents particularly troubling is that many cases remain unresolved years later.

The abduction of journalist and humand rights activist Itai Dzamara in 2015 remains one of Zimbabwe’s most haunting unresolved cases.

Dzamara was allegedly abducted by unidentified men in Harare and has never been seen again.

More than a decade later, his family is still searching for answers.

In 2020, opposition and civil society activists, including Joana Mamombe, Cecilia Chimbiri and Netsai Marova, reported being abducted and tortured after participating in a demonstration. The allegations generated widespread local and international concern.

Journalist and government critic Hopewell Chin’ono has also repeatedly reported harassment, arrests and intimidation linked to his activism and reporting.

Numerous other activists, labour leaders and opposition supporters have similarly reported threats, assaults or arbitrary arrests over the years.

In many instances, investigations either stalled or failed to produce conclusive outcomes that satisfied public concern.

This history explains why reports of bullets, threats and intimidation trigger anxiety among citizens.

Zimbabweans have seen too many examples where political disagreements are not settled through dialogue and democratic processes, but through fear.

What is particularly disappointing is that the CAB 3 debate concerns the very document that is supposed to guarantee citizens’ rights and freedoms.

If constitutional reform is truly in the national interest, its supporters should have no difficulty defending it through public debate, evidence and persuasion.

Ideas should defeat ideas.

Arguments should defeat arguments.

The law should defeat weak legal arguments.

Bullets, threats and intimidation have no place in a constitutional democracy.

The authorities have a duty to thoroughly investigate the reported threats against Matete and Mugari.

Citizens deserve to know who is responsible and whether these acts form part of a broader pattern of political intimidation.

At the same time, all political actors — regardless of party affiliation — should publicly reject violence and condemn those who attempt to silence opponents through fear.

Zimbabwe’s future cannot be built upon intimidation.

It cannot be built upon anonymous threats or messages delivered through bullets.

A confident democracy does not fear criticism.

A strong government does not fear court challenges.

A legitimate political system does not fear peaceful protest.

The answer to disagreement is debate, not intimidation.

The answer to dissent is dialogue, not threats.

And the answer to constitutional questions must always be found in the Constitution itself, not at the barrel of a gun.

The post The bullet cannot replace democracy appeared first on Zimbabwe Situation.

Source: Zimbabwe’s promotion of informal sector a ticking time bomb that threatens to explode any day

Tendai Ruben Mbofana

As we listen to those calling for President Emmerson Mnangagwa to continue in office beyond the 2028 expiry of his two five-year terms, a disturbing pattern emerges.

If you value my social justice advocacy and writing, please consider a financial contribution to keep it going. Contact me on WhatsApp: +263 715 667 700 or Email: mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com

​There is never a shortage of voices touting the supposed “empowerment” they have experienced under the Second Republic.

For the most part, these success stories revolve around small-scale, so-called “income-generating projects”—initiatives that the majority of Zimbabweans rely on simply to survive under incredibly harsh economic conditions.

​But is this celebration truly wise, or is it merely the dance before the crush?

When a government enthusiastically champions backyard poultry projects, home detergent manufacturing, and roadside welding as the pillars of economic empowerment, it is not unveiling a visionary strategy.

It is attempting to dress up its own monumental failure to build a modern, industrialized economy in the fine robes of grassroots entrepreneurship.

What is unfolding across our towns and cities is not a vibrant industrial revolution led by plucky self-starters; it is a desperate, survivalist scramble for existence.

By framing this hand-to-mouth coping mechanism as “empowerment”, the state actively conceals a catastrophic structural collapse, ignoring a hyper-informalized model that is a ticking time bomb primed to implode.

While these micro-enterprises provide an undeniable short-term safety valve against absolute starvation, treating them as a deliberate macroeconomic strategy is a dangerous delusion that defies basic economic laws, specifically the limits of supply and demand.

Market saturation is no longer a looming threat; it is a claustrophobic, daily reality for millions.

When an economy lacks large-scale manufacturing, commercial agricultural processing, and robust corporate employers, citizens are given a harsh ultimatum: become a vendor or starve.

The inevitable result is a chaotic proliferation of micro-traders offering the exact same goods.

If every second household in a suburb is rearing fifty broilers, mixing dishwashing liquid in plastic buckets, or fashioning wardrobes from scrap wood, the local market becomes completely choked.

Because these traders are sole operators or employ fewer than five people, they lack the capacity to access broader international markets, trapping them in a localized race to the bottom.

Desperate to secure a few dollars for evening meals, they relentlessly undercut each other.

Profit margins vanish, forcing people to work twice as hard for a fraction of the return, trading away their long-term economic viability for immediate, precarious survival.

This creates an incredibly fragile economic bubble built on quicksand.

An economy where an estimated 76 percent of activity is informal and highly fragmented possesses zero structural resilience.

The capital accumulation necessary for true national development is completely absent in this setup.

The money made on a Tuesday is consumed by Tuesday night; there is no surplus left to invest in modern machinery, research, or expansion.

These backyard enterprises are structurally barred from growing into the industries of tomorrow.

Furthermore, they exist entirely outside the realm of institutional safety nets.

In this brutal ecosystem, a sudden illness, an outbreak of poultry disease, or a heavy-handed municipal raid does not just represent a bad business quarter—it triggers the instant, absolute destitution of an entire family.

Simultaneously, this aggressive push toward informalization permanently stunts the state’s own capacity to govern.

A modern country cannot build advanced highways, equip public hospitals, or maintain a functional power grid on the back of informal markets that operate entirely in cash and outside the corporate tax net.

As the formal sector continues to bleed out and contract, the national treasury loses the reliable revenue base required to sustain a state.

The government is essentially presiding over the slow-motion collapse of public infrastructure, creating a vicious cycle where the very services these struggling citizens need to lift themselves out of poverty are eroded by the lack of formal tax revenue.

Perhaps the most tragic casualty of this economic tragedy is the total degradation of Zimbabwe’s human capital.

Our country has spent decades prioritizing education, churning out thousands of brilliant, highly capable university graduates every year.

These young minds possess the potential to be chemical engineers, industrial designers, and macroeconomic analysts.

Instead, the state’s economic failure forces them to spend their prime years hawking tomatoes on the roadside or fixing old engines in the dust of “home-industries.”

This is a heartbreaking misallocation of talent that robs the nation of its intellectual future.

It doctors the unemployment narrative, allowing officials to claim that low formal employment numbers are irrelevant because everyone is an “entrepreneur,” but it is a lie that breeds deep-seated societal frustration.

You cannot build a prosperous, stable nation on the backs of backyard projects and informal traders competing for the same meager, circulating United States dollar crumbs.

The bubble will inevitably burst when complete economic exhaustion sets in and the internal market can no longer sustain the sheer volume of desperate, identical sellers.

When this explosion happens, it will not just be economic. It will manifest as severe social unrest, driven by a generation of over-educated, underemployed youth who realize they have been sold a lie.

At the same time, we will witness a total breakdown of municipal services and public health infrastructure, entirely collapsed under the weight of unregulated backyard industries.

True economic emancipation does not look like a loan for a home detergent kit. Instead, it looks like a policy framework that attracts massive, multi-million dollar investments to resuscitate dying manufacturing plants and revive engineering firms.

Ultimately, it must create millions of formal, decent-paying jobs.

Until the government abandons its celebration of poverty-driven survivalism and commits to genuine re-industrialization, Zimbabwe will remain trapped in a perilous holding pattern.

We are sitting squarely on a ticking economic time bomb that grows more volatile by the day.

• Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. To directly receive his articles please join his WhatsApp Channel on: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaqprWCIyPtRnKpkHe08

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