‘I could smell death at that moment’

AS January 2026 marks 49 years since the “mass recruitment” of pupils at Manama Mission in Gwanda District, Matabeleland South Province, we reproduce one of the interviews Sunday News carried out last year when Cde Sitshengisiwe Mutandabari pseudonym Cde Neutral Moyo gave an account of her participation in the armed struggle after being taken with […]

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AS January 2026 marks 49 years since the “mass recruitment” of pupils at Manama Mission in Gwanda District, Matabeleland South Province, we reproduce one of the interviews Sunday News carried out last year when Cde Sitshengisiwe Mutandabari pseudonym Cde Neutral Moyo gave an account of her participation in the armed struggle after being taken with other pupils by guerillas from the school. Cde Mutandabari, one of the pioneers to be trained at Mkushi Camp in Zambia in 1977 was part of a group of 400 pupils that were “taken” from Manama Mission in January 1977.

They were led by three guerillas to Botswana en route to Zambia.
After training Cde Mutandabari was then seconded to go for further training and when the Rhodesian forces made a ground and aerial attack on Mkushi on 19 October 1978 she had been moved to Victory Camp (VC).

Below is what she told our Assistant Editor Mkhululi Sibanda (MS) about how 19 October 1978 panned out as all the ZPRA camps in Zambia were put on high alert. The Rhodesian forces had kicked off the day by bombing the Freedom Camp (FC) before moving to Mkushi.

MS: Last week you spoke about the camp commander, Cde Cecil Banda ordering you to be very alert as the enemy could also raid you. That was tense I suppose.

Cde Mutandabari: We were immediately given weapons and we took positions. It was a nasty experience as the jets would be seen turning near us while bombing FC. It was the same day that the Mkushi Camp where I had trained also came under attack.

MS: But were you ready to fight back in the event VC was attacked?
Cde Mutandabari: My weapon was a non-starter to the jets flying past as we had been given rifles. One of the female combatants, Tryphine Khuzwayo tried to shoot at one of the jets and the sound of her weapon was heard by the command element. We were quickly called back. They announced that Mkushi had come under serious bombardment. The commander then advised us not to shoot randomly. He emphasised that we had to be very alert.

MS: What was going through your mind at that moment?

Cde Mutandabari: That’s the time I saw the seriousness of the war, it was no longer child’s play. I could smell death at that moment. Reality knocked sense into my head and I was no longer a crybaby. It was a matter of life and death.

I realised what the war meant and I was ready to fight the enemy. However, we also had our moments during the armed struggle when we recorded victories.
MS: Like which ones?

Cde Mutandabari: The gunning down of the Viscount brought a jubilant mood and hope of winning the war. The whole camp would go telling each other: “Uzwile ukuthi obhudi batshayile?” Meaning that our guerrillas had succeeded in operations. Sometimes when not on duty, relaxation came into being.

That was on our bamboo beds with mattresses made from grass stuffed in extra blankets. Radios provided news and entertainment. Sad news were when news reporter Caroline Thorncraft reported on many “terrorists” that had died with no Rhodesian soldier dying. One day Jennifer, aka Donas, Priscilla Shoko, aka Consider Toyitoyi, and Nompumelelo Abu Basuthu, aka Gift Tichatonga, and myself were busy telling each other stories, then there was a sound of a gun being fired. There was a spotter plane that passed over the camp and somebody decided to fire.

Parade was called for everyone and we quickly got our arms that were under the mattresses. A manhunt of the fired bullet was carried out. Donas and myself fell victim as our guns showed some gasses depicting we could have fired. I was put to task by the security man called Cde Killer until he disarmed me.

He wanted me to accept something I pretty knew I had not done. On the other hand I was not supposed to mention that I had my gun under the mattress as it was a great offence. The argument went on for a while until my home girls got concerned.

Musupuluho Dube, aka Makhokhoba Mpunzi, started crying and advised me to give in saying “Thandi vuma.” I knew my greatest offence of not cleaning the weapon each morning and on that morning that the gun was at the wrong place under the bamboo bed (laughing).

When Cde Killer wanted to give back the weapon, I refused to take it. I told him to take it to the one (Joshua Nkomo) who had armed me during the pass-out parade. Now that he had given himself more powers than Father Zimbabwe Dr Joshua Nkomo, he should have it. I don’t even know what happened to my gun until today.

I never bothered, mine was to wait for higher authorities for me to relate the incident. If they had decided to punish me, well it could have been something else.

MS: After the bombings at FC and Mkushi what happened to you?
Cde Mutandabari: We were joined by other groups who also were meant to go for further training. However, after delays trips seemingly having flopped, I was assigned to lead the group to Kafue 2 where the Mkushi girls survivors were.

They were housed at the farm of Zambian Cabinet Minister then, Aaron Milner.

I was very happy to meet KD, Consider Toi (Priscilla Shoko), Alpha Nare and many others. Potatoes were our food. The stay was not long and we were moved to Solwezi.

Rains did not spare me. The journey was difficult with the vehicles getting stuck in the mud. We were escorted by Cde Magadlela (Thambolenyoka). I got soaked because of the continuous rain. The vegetation was characterised by tall trees. The war was now at its peak. This is the time when the Viscount was gunned down. Vacation of the main camp was the order of the day.

A day was spent elsewhere and coming to the base in the evening. The camp commander was Cde Ossy Mhandu and deputised by Cde Martha. The other members of the command element were Priscilla Shoko, Mavis Gonde Netsai, Charity Ndiweni, Outrace Ncube aka Sunungurai Nyika and Jester Chivi.

It was at that time when departments were created. They resembled ministries. I deputised in the catering department that was led by Charity. In May 1979, I was then moved to VC again awaiting further training. I was vaccinated several times but the programmes did not come to fruition. By then a school had been established. This is the time I enrolled for my secondary education with Regina Moyo, aka Tryphine Khuzwayo, and Mihla Nhliziyo, aka Kwanele Mdluli.

I enjoyed the lessons under Mr Thabulo, who took us in Mathematics and Science, Naka Gwen as she was called took me in English and Idah Moyo, who until recently was the head of Usher High School taught us Geography.

Other comrades came to join my group and now it was a group of 50 that was earmarked for further training in Romania. The group was under my leadership. In the group was Mantombi Mamba (Siphiwe Msendami Siduli), Martha Nyathi (Manina), Sipho Ngxongo (Sihle Mzizi) and many others.
MS: When was that?

Cde Mutandabari: That was November 1979. The vaccinations that took place in that November gave me hope of flying to overseas. During that time news of the Lancaster House talks had begun.

Then repatriations of my colleagues in Solwezi then started being rolled out. They were leaving Zambia for home to prepare for the campaigns as part of preparations for our first elections but we were left behind. The camp commander was now Teddy.

Elections were conducted while we were still in Zambia and that was in 1980. We received news that Zapu had lost. We did not believe that Zapu had lost the election. We were addressed to accept the results with emphasis being that Zimbabwe was now a free country.

It took some days to accept. Life went on as usual. On 22 April 1980 Comrades Swazini Ndlovu and Dumiso Dabengwa, who were from the intelligence arm, the National Security and Order (NSO) came for my group.

I couldn’t wait to see my parents as Cde Swazini Ndlovu addressed and told us that we were going to Zimbabwe. His words were, “Lilungele yini ukuyekhaya?” It was a yes with a big bang.

Quickly we got into the vehicles heading for Zimbabwe. It was unfortunate that we did not cross the same day. We managed to cross on the 24th of April 1980.

MS: Where were you taken to?
Cde Mutandabari: The destination was Sierra Assembly Point (AP) at Insukamini near Gweru. That was the AP for female ZPRA combatants. There was joy and jubilation as I joined my fellow comrades namely Rosemary Sigoge Mathe (mother of beauty queen Lorraine Maphala), Priscilla Shoko who took me to a nearby shop so that I could call my parents.

When my father received news of me being alive, he fired a question to me three times as he wanted to find out whether I had been injured. He asked me what I wanted so that they could bring me, I just said to him, “Ngifuni ndawo yesikolo kuphela”, “Izigqoko-ke?” I insisted that school came first.

I was then demobilised and went home. Joining the family once more was amazing. My mother was in tears of joy and hugged me for a while. My grandparents and everyone was happy. Just after two days, I proceeded to Hippo Valley where my father worked.

He then narrated to me that he also went to the airport to meet comrades coming home with the hope of seeing me but alas. He said he returned home a miserable man as he had lost hope. He thought I was dead.

A sigh of relief was when he received a letter I wrote to him telling him that I was alive. I had explained in the letter that I had remained behind because I was supposed to go abroad.

MS: After opting out of the military where did you go?
Cde Mutandabari: We got busy looking for places in different secondary schools. I then settled for Mtshabezi Mission in Gwanda District and that was mid-May 1980.

It was a great fulfilment to see myself sitting on a bench once again. After Mtshabezi I then trained as a teacher at the United College of Education (UCE) in Bulawayo and completed the training in 1988.

I was then deployed to Bulawayo schools where I taught at Inkanyezi, Malindela, Nkulumane and Lotshe primary schools.

I was then promoted to be a head in Plumtree schools such as Maninji, Tjehanga and at presently, I am heading Marula Government Primary School, which is a boarding institution.

I am a mother of three boys and one girl. I have improved myself academically and now I hold a Masters Degree in Educational Administration that is MED (EAPPS).

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Deadly floods kill 59 people in Zimbabwe, property worth US$107,000 destroyed

A total of 59 people have died, while 33 schools, four health facilities and 538 households have been damaged or destroyed since the start of the 2025/26 rainfall season, the Civil Protection Unit (CPU) has reported. In its eighth situation report (SIT…

A total of 59 people have died, while 33 schools, four health facilities and 538 households have been damaged or destroyed since the start of the 2025/26 rainfall season, the Civil Protection Unit (CPU) has reported. In its eighth situation report (SITREP) covering the period December 14 to 24, the CPU said the total cost […]

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How outdated infrastructure, weak security and corruption are fueling power equipment theft in Zimbabwe

Source: How outdated infrastructure, weak security and corruption are fueling power equipment theft in Zimbabwe Zimbabwe’s power crisis goes far beyond inadequate electricity generation. Tendai Ruben Mbofana The shocking report that residents of Tynwald and Stordford in Harare were forced to purchase their own 315kVA, 11/0.4kV transformer after nearly a month without electricity exposes the […]

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Source: How outdated infrastructure, weak security and corruption are fueling power equipment theft in Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe’s power crisis goes far beyond inadequate electricity generation.

Tendai Ruben Mbofana

The shocking report that residents of Tynwald and Stordford in Harare were forced to purchase their own 315kVA, 11/0.4kV transformer after nearly a month without electricity exposes the systemic rot in public service delivery.

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Elderly pensioners, some dependent on refrigerated medication, were plunged into darkness and then implicitly told that their salvation lies in their own pockets.

This is not a one-off incident; it is the predictable outcome of a power utility overwhelmed by theft, hollowed out by corruption, and paralysed by outdated infrastructure.

The theft and vandalism of power infrastructure, particularly distribution transformers and high-voltage overhead cables, has reached crisis proportions in Zimbabwe.

Communities routinely endure weeks or months without power after transformers are stolen or stripped, while ZETDC cites shortages, lack of spares, or budgetary constraints.

What is deeply troubling is that these thefts have become routine, to the point where citizens are nudged to finance critical infrastructure that they neither own nor control.

This represents a quiet erosion of the social contract: citizens pay twice—once through tariffs and taxes, and again through direct replacement of stolen state assets.

Persistent load shedding exacerbates this problem.

Chronic outages leave transformers and power lines inactive and lightly monitored, creating an environment ripe for theft.

In a network plagued by repeated blackouts, tampering with electricity infrastructure becomes normalized, illegal connections flourish, and criminal syndicates operate with minimal risk.

In this sense, electricity scarcity is not merely a symptom of systemic failure—it is also an enabler of further theft.

Another major factor is outdated infrastructure.

Many Zimbabwean transformers and lines were built decades ago, using high-value copper and aluminium that are easy to strip and sell.

They are poorly secured, exposed, and lack modern anti-theft features.

By contrast, modern power infrastructure in developed countries is designed to deter theft: materials with low resale value, tamper-proof enclosures, welded panels, and embedded sensors detect oil loss, unauthorized removal, or load anomalies.

Remote monitoring systems trigger rapid responses when tampering occurs.

Removing or vandalizing such modern equipment is technically difficult, risky, and economically unprofitable.

Zimbabwe’s failure to upgrade its infrastructure leaves it vulnerable by design.

Weak security systems magnify these vulnerabilities.

Many transformers are exposed, unmonitored, or installed without alarms.

Patrols are irregular, response times slow, and investigations rarely lead to arrests or convictions.

In developed countries, power infrastructure is secured in fenced substations, steel enclosures, or at heights that are difficult to access.

Surveillance and rapid-response mechanisms deter theft, making it both difficult and risky.

Zimbabwe’s lack of such security measures renders theft a low-risk, high-reward activity.

Corruption and insider collusion worsen the crisis.

Decommissioning a live or recently live 315kVA transformer requires technical knowledge, specialized tools, and confidence handling high-voltage equipment.

Allegations that some ZETDC employees or contractors may collude with criminal syndicates cannot be ignored.

Corruption also diverts funds meant for infrastructure upgrades, routine maintenance, and security investments.

It undermines accountability, erodes public trust, and reinforces the perception that electricity infrastructure is fair game for exploitation.

Poverty and unemployment provide a ready supply of recruits for these theft networks, while informal scrap-metal markets offer easy exit routes for stolen copper and aluminium.

Weak policing and delayed prosecutions further lower the risk for thieves.

When these factors converge, transformer theft becomes systematic, predictable, and industrialized rather than sporadic criminality.

The contrast with developed countries is instructive.

There, theft is rare not because citizens are morally superior, but because structural deterrents exist.

Scrap-metal markets are tightly regulated with licensing, traceability, and cashless transactions.

Utilities mark equipment chemically or physically, making resale risky.

Transformers are secured in tamper-proof enclosures, and embedded sensors or remote monitoring systems trigger rapid responses to tampering.

Law enforcement treats infrastructure theft as organized crime.

Reliable electricity supplies reduce the incentive for illegal connections, and social norms stigmatize vandalism.

Theft becomes difficult, unprofitable, and dangerous.

Zimbabwe has failed to implement these measures at scale.

Many transformers remain poorly secured, exposed, and easy targets.

Surveillance is minimal, response times are slow, and investigations rarely deter future crimes.

Even worse, there is a troubling acceptance of this reality.

When ZETDC explains its inability to replace stolen equipment as if vandalism were an unforeseeable event rather than a recurring, predictable risk, it admits strategic failure.

The Tynwald–Stordford case also raises ethical and policy questions.

Allowing residents to buy a transformer, refunding them later through electricity units, while asserting full ownership and discretion over its use, borders on exploitation.

Communities are involuntarily turned into financiers of public infrastructure without guarantees against repeat vandalism.

Should the newly purchased transformer be stolen again, citizens are left to dig even deeper.

This is neither sustainable nor just.

Reducing theft and vandalism of power infrastructure in Zimbabwe requires structural reform, not sporadic police raids.

Scrap-metal markets must be decisively regulated, with licensing, traceability, and enforcement.

ZETDC must prioritize modern security technologies—tamper-proof enclosures, remote monitoring, and alarms—as essential investments.

Insider collusion must be investigated with visible consequences.

Communities should be engaged as partners in protection, not financiers of last resort.

Corruption must be confronted honestly.

As long as funds meant for infrastructure protection are siphoned off and insiders can collude with criminals with impunity, theft will continue unabated.

Electricity is a lifeline, not a luxury.

For the elderly, the sick, and struggling businesses, uninterrupted power is essential for survival.

A society that normalizes darkness, and then charges citizens to escape it, has failed in its most basic obligations.

The tragedy of Tynwald and Stordford is not that residents were left without power for a month—it is that such an ordeal has become plausible, familiar, and almost routine.

That, above all, should alarm us.

● Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. Please feel free to WhatsApp or Call: +263715667700 | +263782283975, or email: mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com, or visit website: https://mbofanatendairuben.news.blog/

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No salary since January 2025: AMH pays workers US$50 each on Christmas eve, Trevor Ncube blames President Mnangagwa’s government

HARARE – Alpha Media Holdings (AMH), one of Zimbabwe’s last bastions of privately owned mainstream media, is teetering on the brink due to a crippling debt of approximately US$400,000 owed by the government in unpaid advertising and newspap…

HARARE – Alpha Media Holdings (AMH), one of Zimbabwe’s last bastions of privately owned mainstream media, is teetering on the brink due to a crippling debt of approximately US$400,000 owed by the government in unpaid advertising and newspaper subscription fees. The debt, accumulated over more than a year, has severely strained the operations of the […]

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Speaking the people’s language: Zanu-PF courts Bulawayo communities

Peter Matika, Zimpapers Writer RIDING on the momentum of Zanu-PF’s victory in the Nkulumane parliamentary by-election, where Cde Freedom Murechu was declared the winner, the party’s Bulawayo Province has announced plans to deploy representatives fluent in isiNdebele to all community engagements. The move is aimed at enhancing effective communication, promoting inclusivity and deepening grassroots participation […]

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Peter Matika, Zimpapers Writer

RIDING on the momentum of Zanu-PF’s victory in the Nkulumane parliamentary by-election, where Cde Freedom Murechu was declared the winner, the party’s Bulawayo Province has announced plans to deploy representatives fluent in isiNdebele to all community engagements.

The move is aimed at enhancing effective communication, promoting inclusivity and deepening grassroots participation in governance, particularly in a province where language has often been cited as a barrier to meaningful engagement between leaders and communities.

The initiative will allow residents to freely express their needs, concerns and aspirations in a language they fully understand, while ensuring that leaders receive clear, unfiltered feedback from the people they serve.

Speaking on the sidelines of victory celebrations following the Nkulumane by-election, Zanu-PF District Co-ordinating Committee (DCC) Area 5 chairperson, Cde Mnothisi Nsingo, said the party recognised that language plays a critical role in participatory development and responsive governance.

Cde Nsingo said the consistent use of isiNdebele at community meetings, consultative forums and outreach programmes would help bridge communication gaps that have historically limited citizen participation in some areas.

“Language should never be a barrier between leaders and the people. As Zanu-PF in Bulawayo Province, we have resolved that our representatives must be fluent in isiNdebele so that communities can speak freely, confidently and without fear of being misunderstood,” he said.

Cde Nsingo said when residents articulate issues in their mother tongue, leaders are better placed to fully appreciate the depth and context of challenges being faced at grassroots level.

The initiative, he added, forms part of far-reaching efforts by the ruling party to promote inclusivity, national unity and citizen-centred development in line with the Second Republic’s devolution thrust.

“This initiative is about inclusivity. We want every resident, young or old, to feel comfortable participating in discussions that affect their lives. When people speak in a language they fully understand, they are more open, honest and constructive,” said Cde Nsingo.

He noted that the approach would encourage wider participation, particularly among the elderly and those who may feel marginalised or intimidated when discussions are conducted in languages they are less familiar with.

Cde Nsingo said deploying isiNdebele-speaking representatives would also strengthen grassroots governance by ensuring that community needs are accurately captured and relayed to higher decision-making structures.

“Our role as leaders is to listen first. By engaging communities in isiNdebele, we are strengthening the link between the grassroots and leadership, ensuring that development initiatives are informed by real issues raised by the people,” he said.

Cde Nsingo said feedback gathered through such engagements would help shape responsive policies and targeted development programmes in Bulawayo.

The move is also expected to foster trust between citizens and political leaders, as residents would feel respected and valued when addressed in their preferred language.

“When leaders take time to communicate in the people’s language, it builds confidence and trust. It shows respect for culture, identity and the lived realities of our communities,” said Cde Nsingo.

Zanu-PF said the deployment of isiNdebele-speaking representatives would be rolled out across all districts in Bulawayo as part of ongoing and future community engagement programmes.

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