Let’s not pretend Zimbabwe is only five years old: Why are we being urged to celebrate mediocrity?

Source: Let’s not pretend Zimbabwe is only five years old: Why are we being urged to celebrate mediocrity? There are moments when life in Zimbabwe feels unreal—like a dream, except it is a terrible nightmare. Tendai Ruben Mbofana Today, the state-controlled broadcaster ZBC once again implored Zimbabweans to acknowledge and celebrate what it called “milestones […]

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Source: Let’s not pretend Zimbabwe is only five years old: Why are we being urged to celebrate mediocrity?

There are moments when life in Zimbabwe feels unreal—like a dream, except it is a terrible nightmare.

Tendai Ruben Mbofana

Today, the state-controlled broadcaster ZBC once again implored Zimbabweans to acknowledge and celebrate what it called “milestones made by the government” in developing the country.

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To reinforce this message, the broadcaster replayed excerpts from President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s Unity Day speech delivered just days ago, in which he similarly urged citizens to recognise the “development achieved so far.”

But this raises a fundamental and unavoidable question: what exactly is this “development” we are expected to celebrate?

ZBC was very clear in its answer.

Viewers were taken to a short stretch of road being rehabilitated under the so-called Emergency Road Rehabilitation Programme (ERRP), presented as tangible proof that the country is making meaningful progress.

The report culminated in an almost triumphant declaration that development is happening “one kilometre at a time.”

This, we are told, is reason enough for national pride and celebration.

Alongside this, the same bulletin spoke of renewed efforts to industrialise Bulawayo, with promises of future employment creation and value addition to locally produced goods.

As usual, there were also familiar references to airport expansions, the upgrading of the Beitbridge Border Post, and various “empowerment funds.”

These empowerment funds, however, are little more than handouts and short-term loans designed to mask the reality of mass unemployment.

They attempt to cosmetically address an economy that has failed to create sustainable, formal jobs, pushing millions into a volatile and insecure informal sector devoid of basic labour protections or a dignified standard of living.

We were also reminded—yet again—of borehole drilling programmes, held up as evidence of a caring and developmental state.

On the surface, all these initiatives may sound positive.

Roads, water, industry, border posts, and airports are indeed important.

But the real issue lies not in whether these things are necessary, but in why they are being presented as extraordinary achievements deserving of applause nearly half a century after independence.

Why are we acting as though Zimbabwe is a newly established nation starting from scratch?

Why are we being asked to celebrate basic state functions as if they are historic breakthroughs?

Zimbabwe is not a country that emerged recently from an uninhabited wilderness.

We did not discover a virgin land that needed to be developed from nothing.

At independence in 1980, Zimbabwe inherited extensive infrastructure: well-built road networks, functioning rail systems, reliable power generation, efficient water and sanitation systems, hospitals, schools, and productive agricultural and industrial sectors.

The very use of the word “rehabilitation” is an admission that these things existed before.

Roads are being rehabilitated because they were once there—and because they were allowed to collapse.

What, then, happened over the past 45 years to bring the country to a point where patching up a few kilometres of road is framed as a milestone?

Why has the Bulawayo–Victoria Falls road deteriorated so badly that its rehabilitation is now treated as a major national achievement?

Why are bridges across rural Zimbabwe crumbling, collapsing, or turning into death traps every rainy season?

The answer is painfully obvious: decades of neglect, corruption, mismanagement, and the systematic hollowing out of public institutions.

The roads we are rushing to rehabilitate today were largely inherited at independence in pristine condition.

The bridges now washing away vehicles were built generations ago and maintained for years before being abandoned.

Schools, hospitals, power stations, and water systems have suffered the same fate.

Now that infrastructure resembles a war zone—pocked with craters, broken bridges, and collapsing public facilities—the government wants applause for emergency repairs that should never have been necessary in the first place.

For more than four decades, rural communities have borne the brunt of this failure.

Women have walked long distances to fetch water from unsafe sources.

Children have crossed flooded rivers to attend schools that are little more than trees or makeshift structures kilometres away from home.

Pregnant women have been forced to give birth in the bush while trekking to distant clinics that often lack basic medicines, equipment, or trained staff.

These are not new problems.

They are the accumulated consequences of 45 years of broken promises and abandoned responsibilities.

Now, when a borehole or two is drilled, when a single clinic or classroom block is constructed, or when a short stretch of road is repaired, we are told to celebrate “milestones.”

But milestones toward what, exactly?

Are we expected to be taken seriously as a nation when we applaud achievements that should have been accomplished decades ago?

After 45 years of independence, should we not expect four-lane highways crisscrossing the country?

Should modern, multi-layered traffic interchanges not be commonplace rather than headline-grabbing spectacles?

Should rural homes not be connected to the national power grid and piped water by now?

Should schools equipped with modern technology not be the norm, even in the most remote areas?

Should we not have well-equipped hospitals capable of handling most medical procedures without forcing citizens to seek care across borders or rely on fundraising campaigns?

Instead, towns and cities that once enjoyed reliable running water have gone for years without it.

Near-daily power outages lasting up to 16 hours have become normalised, crippling households, businesses, and industries alike.

This is happening in a country that has been independent long enough for someone born in 1980 to now have children attending university.

And yet, we are still expected to sing and dance over a newly resurfaced 10-kilometre road, the reconstruction of a bridge built in the 1960s, or the drilling of a borehole in a village that should have had piped water generations ago.

To then label this “development so far” is not just misleading—it is insulting.

“So far” since when?

Since 1980?

If so, then this is an indictment, not an achievement.

It is an admission that after nearly half a century in power, the ruling party has little to show beyond repairing what it allowed to decay.

Zimbabweans cannot be expected to celebrate failure masquerading as progress.

We cannot allow mediocrity to be rebranded as development simply because it is accompanied by slogans, jingles, and state media fanfare.

ZANU-PF has governed this country continuously since independence.

The responsibility for where Zimbabwe stands today lies squarely at its feet.

Let us, as a nation, be honest with ourselves.

Zimbabwe is not five years old.

It is 45 years into independence.

The standards by which we measure progress must reflect that reality.

To pretend otherwise is to insult the intelligence, resilience, and lived experience of Zimbabweans.

We deserve better than recycled infrastructure, recycled promises, and recycled propaganda.

We deserve real development—measured not in kilometres repaired, but in decades of sustained progress that should have already been achieved.

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Bail disparity as alleged shooter walks free, while employer remains jailed 

Italian Francesco Marconati kept in jail amid claims Mnangagwa’s son circling over gold mine Source: Bail disparity as alleged shooter walks free, while employer remains jailed – Zimbabwe News Now Francesco Marconati BULAWAYO – Serious questions are being raised over the administration of justice after the High Court granted bail to a mine security guard […]

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Italian Francesco Marconati kept in jail amid claims Mnangagwa’s son circling over gold mine

Source: Bail disparity as alleged shooter walks free, while employer remains jailed – Zimbabwe News Now

Francesco Marconati

BULAWAYO – Serious questions are being raised over the administration of justice after the High Court granted bail to a mine security guard accused of fatally shooting a man, while denying bail to his employer, Italian-born businessman Francesco Marconati.

The National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) expressly conceded that Marconati should be released.

The sharply contrasting outcomes delivered by the same judge on the same day have fuelled claims that factors beyond the court record may be influencing the matter, particularly given Marconati’s significant mining interests in Matabeleland North.

On December 19, 2025, Justice Ngoni Nduna of the Bulawayo High Court granted bail to Mbekezeli Ngwabi, the employee alleged to have pulled the trigger on a group of trespassers at Duration Gold Limited (DGL) Mine in Inyathi, killing one man.

Ngwabi was released on US$800 bail. The NPA, represented by S Phiri, did not oppose bail, and the court imposed routine conditions without identifying any compelling reasons for continued detention.

Yet on the same day, Justice Nduna dismissed Marconati’s appeal against refusal of bail, keeping the 66-year-old businessman in custody, notwithstanding an unusually strong written concession by the NPA.

In its formal response to the bail appeal, the prosecution went beyond neutrality and openly repudiated the magistrate’s findings, stating: “The respondent concedes that the court a quo misdirected itself in finding that the appellant was a flight risk in the absence of evidence supporting such a conclusion.”

The NPA further told the High Court that the magistrate’s conclusions were unsupported by facts placed before the court.

“There was no evidence placed before the court to demonstrate that the appellant had previously absconded or attempted to evade justice.”

Crucially, the State acknowledged that the legal threshold for continued detention had not been met.

“The respondent is unable to point to any compelling or exceptional circumstances justifying the continued incarceration of the appellant,” the NPA said.

Far from opposing bail, the prosecution affirmatively supported Marconati’s release, adding that it has “no objection to the appellant being admitted to bail on conditions that the Honourable Court may deem fit in the interests of justice.”

“In the circumstances, the respondent respectfully submits that the appeal ought to succeed and that the appellant be admitted to bail,” it added.

Justice Nduna acknowledged this position in his ruling, noting that: “This application is not opposed by the State, which filed submissions consenting to his admission to bail. The state is of the view that the court a quo erred in its handling of the matter and cannot support the conclusion reached therein.”

He also cited settled authority, including Attorney-General v Chiwashira & Others 1994 (1) ZLR 1 (HC), which held that state consent to bail should weigh heavily in favour of release, and Oscar Zenda v The State HB 101/17, which warned against courts “descending into the arena.”

Despite this, Justice Nduna ruled that the appeal court was bound by the magistrate’s earlier findings that Marconati was a flight risk with a propensity to commit offences, concluding.

“When a court finds that an applicant is a flight risk… that is the end of the matter,” Justice Nduna concluded.

The appeal was dismissed.

Adding to the controversy, Marconati’s lawyers, Madzima & Company, wrote to the Registrar of the High Court on December 23, 2025, complaining that the court order and reasons for judgement had not been availed, despite assurances given in open court that they would be ready by December 21.

The lawyers argued that Marconati had been in custody since December 9, 2025, and that timely access to the order and reasons was vital to properly advise their client on further legal remedies.

Senior lawyer Advocate Lewis Uriri, who appeared for Marconati, argued that the law was settled: “Once the state has made a concession, the court has no choice in the matter, the accused must be released.”

Legal analysts note that Ngwabi’s case reflects precisely that orthodox approach, with bail granted following a prosecution concession and without the court identifying extraordinary risks.

While no allegations of interference appear in the court papers, individuals familiar with the matter allege that Marconati’s continued detention may benefit powerful business and political interests seeking leverage over his gold mining operations in Inyathi and Bubi districts in Matabeleland North.

Marconati’s other business footprint includes Eagle Italian Shoes, Eagle Italian Leather, a lodge in Mana Pools, and a company called Strengthened Investments. His companies have previously supplied the Zimbabwe National Army, including boots.

None of these commercial realities featured in the bail rulings, yet they form the backdrop to what many describe as an extraordinary legal outcome.

“The optics are terrible,” said one  lawyer. “When the state itself says bail should be granted, and the court refuses anyway, while freeing the alleged shooter, public confidence inevitably suffers.”

ZimLive understands one of President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s sons has formed an alliance with Marconati’s former girlfriend and ex-business partner, Li Song, to elbow the Italian out of his mines in Matabeleland North.

Song, a Chinese national and controversial figure, was once reported to have been deported from the country after she was linked to poaching syndicates using cyanide, but she maintains strong links with powerful actors in the Zimbabwean state.

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Government’s $400,000 debt chokes Alpha Media Holdings operations

Publishers of The Independent, News Day and the Standard struggle for survival Source: Government’s $400,000 debt chokes Alpha Media Holdings operations – Zimbabwe News Now AMH owner Trevor Ncube HARARE – The government owes Alpha Media Holdings (AMH) about US$400 000 in unpaid advertising and newspaper subscription fees dating back more than a year, a […]

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Publishers of The Independent, News Day and the Standard struggle for survival

Source: Government’s $400,000 debt chokes Alpha Media Holdings operations – Zimbabwe News Now

AMH owner Trevor Ncube

HARARE – The government owes Alpha Media Holdings (AMH) about US$400 000 in unpaid advertising and newspaper subscription fees dating back more than a year, a debt that has severely strained the operations of one of Zimbabwe’s last remaining privately owned mainstream media groups.

AMH, which is owned by Trevor Ncube, publishes NewsDay, Zimbabwe Independent, The Standard and Southern Eye, and also runs the Heart and Soul (HSTV) web-based radio station.

The company has recently come under scrutiny amid reports that journalists were paid just US$50 each on Christmas Eve, with staff having gone for several months without full salaries.

AMH has not publicly responded to the allegations, but senior company officials said the financial distress is largely attributable to the government’s failure to settle outstanding obligations.

“While AMH’s challenges reflect global pressures on legacy media, the government’s failure to honour its advertising and subscription debts poses an existential threat to the country’s last privately owned mainstream media house,” an AMH executive said.

“With government departments owing us about US$400 000, cash flows have been severely constrained. The delayed payments to contractors, including media houses, appear to be part of a broader strategy to protect the ZiG from devaluation.”

According to the Advertising Media Association (ADMA), the government also owes millions of dollars in local currency to other media companies, including state-owned Zimbabwe Newspapers (Zimpapers), Jester Media Services (publishers of the Daily News), and Askleland Media.

In March, ADMA wrote to President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s spokesperson George Charamba seeking intervention, but the matter remains unresolved.

AMH executives believe the recent leakage of internal salary issues is part of a coordinated campaign by sections of government to weaken and silence the company’s critical publications.

“There is a deliberate attempt to smear management while ignoring the fact that the government owes us enough money to clear salary arrears,” another executive said.

“The difference between us and Zimpapers is that they receive concessionary loans and direct government support — privileges we do not enjoy. On top of that, this has not been an ordinary year, given the arrests of senior journalists and escalating legal costs.”

In February, HSTV senior journalist Blessed Mhlanga was jailed for 72 days without trial after covering a press conference addressed by former Zanu PF central committee member and war veteran Blessed Geza.

Geza has become a vocal critic of the Mnangagwa administration, calling for the president to step down over alleged misgovernance and failure to tackle corruption.

Mhlanga and HSTV are still appearing in court on charges of “transmitting data messages that incite violence or damage property.”

Five months later, Zimbabwe Independent editor Faith Zaba was arrested and jointly charged with AMH for allegedly insulting the president. The charges stem from the newspaper’s satirical column Muckraker, with the trial yet to commence.

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South Africa Moves to Amend Immigration Laws, Raising Concerns Among Zimbabweans Living and Working in the Country

JOHANNESBURG — Proposed changes to South Africa’s immigration laws are drawing close attention from Zimbabweans living and working in the country, as the Department of Home Affairs moves to amend legislation governing the arrest and detention of undocumented foreigners. The Immigration Amendment Bill of 2024, currently before the National Council of Provinces (NCOP), seeks to […]

JOHANNESBURG — Proposed changes to South Africa’s immigration laws are drawing close attention from Zimbabweans living and working in the country, as the Department of Home Affairs moves to amend legislation governing the arrest and detention of undocumented foreigners.

The Immigration Amendment Bill of 2024, currently before the National Council of Provinces (NCOP), seeks to align the Immigration Act with several Constitutional Court rulings while introducing new provisions that could significantly affect how immigration enforcement is carried out. The Bill is now open for public comment, prompting concern among migrant communities, including Zimbabweans, who form one of the largest groups of foreign nationals in South Africa.

The legislative process follows a landmark Constitutional Court ruling in 2017, which found sections 34(1)(b) and (d) of the Immigration Act unconstitutional. The Court ruled that the law failed to adequately protect the rights of detained foreigners, particularly by not requiring immigration officials to inform detainees of their right to legal representation, denying them the opportunity to appear in court, and permitting prolonged detention without judicial oversight.

To address these violations, the Court suspended its declaration of invalidity for 24 months, allowing Parliament time to amend the law. During this period, it imposed interim safeguards, including a requirement that any “illegal foreigner” detained under the Act be brought before a court in person within 48 hours of arrest.

In October 2023, the Court further strengthened these protections by supplementing its earlier order. It ruled that detainees must be allowed to appear in person when a court is considering whether to extend detention beyond 30 days. The Court also introduced the “interests of justice” criterion, providing guidance to immigration officers and courts when exercising discretion under the Immigration Act.

According to legal experts at Cliffe Dekker Hofmeyr, the Immigration Amendment Bill proposes substantial changes to the procedures for arrest, detention and judicial oversight of undocumented foreigners. While the Bill aims to give legislative effect to the Constitutional Court’s rulings, stakeholders have raised concerns that certain provisions could still allow for broad discretionary powers by immigration officials.

“The Bill proposes significant changes to the arrest and detention of undocumented foreigners, and a wide range of stakeholders have submitted comments highlighting both legal and practical concerns,” Cliffe Dekker Hofmeyr said in a statement. “Further developments are expected as Parliament and the Department of Home Affairs consider the submissions made by the public.”

For Zimbabweans living and working in South Africa—many of whom are employed in construction, agriculture, domestic work, mining and the informal sector—the proposed amendments carry potentially serious implications. Civil society organisations and migrant rights groups warn that stricter enforcement mechanisms, if not balanced with strong procedural safeguards, could increase the risk of arbitrary arrests and prolonged detention.

Zimbabwean community leaders in Gauteng and other provinces have expressed particular concern about access to legal representation, language barriers, and the ability of detainees to understand and exercise their rights when arrested. There are also fears that undocumented or partially documented migrants could be disproportionately affected during enforcement operations.

At the same time, some legal analysts note that the Bill’s incorporation of the “interests of justice” standard and mandatory court appearances could, if properly implemented, strengthen protections for migrants compared to the current system.

With the Bill open for public comment, migrant advocacy groups are urging Zimbabweans and other foreign nationals to engage with the process, either directly or through civil society organisations. They argue that meaningful consultation is essential to ensure the final law balances immigration control with constitutional rights and human dignity.

As Parliament considers the submissions and moves closer to finalising the legislation, Zimbabweans in South Africa are watching closely. The outcome of the Immigration Amendment Bill is expected to shape the legal and everyday realities of migration enforcement in the country for years to come.

How to prepare for driving in heavy rain and floods

DRIVING in heavy rain and flooding can be hazardous. Here are some useful hints and tips to help you prepare for wet weather. Breakdown numbers always increase during periods of wet weather as the damp causes problems with engines and electrical systems and it is easy to flood your engine when driving through water, if […]

DRIVING in heavy rain and flooding can be hazardous. Here are some useful hints and tips to help you prepare for wet weather. Breakdown numbers always increase during periods of wet weather as the damp causes problems with engines and electrical systems and it is easy to flood your engine when driving through water, if done so incorrectly.

If you must drive, there are a handful of steps you can take to reduce your chances of an accident or breakdown in wet weather. Firstly, it is always advisable to consider before you set off whether your journey is essential.

If not, can it be delayed until after the rain has subsided? If so, then plan your journey, taking care to avoid areas that are prone to flooding, and factor in extra time to allow for slower speeds and potential congestion. It is also a good idea to let relatives and friends know your intended route and expected time of arrival and where possible, travel with others. Check that your windscreen wiper blades are fully functional.

If both front and back blades are not up to scratch, get them replaced.

On an older vehicle, it might be advisable to upgrade to so-called “aero” wipers, which are more effective at removing water from the windscreen, particularly at speed. Try to fill up with fuel before you travel, as getting stuck in traffic will increase your fuel consumption.

Remember, with the lights, heater and wipers switched on, your fuel economy will be reduced even further.

Before you start your journey, do the following:

Listen out for local news bulletins to keep up-to-date with road closures, flooding and forecasts

Carry a mobile phone in case you encounter any difficulties during your journey

Check that your tyres are of the recommended legal tyre tread depth so you can be sure you have a safe amount of grip on the roads.

How to drive in heavy rain — Slow down. Reduce your speed and leave more space between you and the vehicle in front as stopping distances in rain are increased

Use dipped headlights so that other drivers can see you more easily

Don’t use rear fog lights. They can mask your brake lights and dazzle drivers behind you

Look out for large or fast-moving vehicles creating spray, which reduces visibility

Keep your air conditioning on, as this will stop your windows from misting up.

If you break down in torrential rain, keep the bonnet closed while waiting for help to arrive to avoid the electrical system getting soaked

Driving too fast through standing water could lead to tyres losing contact with the road. If your steering suddenly feels light, you could be aquaplaning. To regain grip, ease off the accelerator, do not brake and allow your speed to reduce until you gain full control of the steering again

Be considerate to other road users and try not to spray pedestrians and cyclists as you drive through water

Heavy rain may lead to large puddles, areas of standing water and even flooding. In the event that you may have to negotiate these types of conditions on the road, the advise below might help.

Stopping distances in the rain

The Highway Code states that stopping distances will be at least double in wet weather, because your tyres will have less grip on the road.

Reduce your speed and leave more space between you and the vehicle in front to account for greater stopping distances. Remember the two-second rule?

Well, increase it to four if it begins to pour. How to drive through water and floods“Puddles” may conjure an image of a small drop, but some can develop into sizable bodies of water.

Driving through these puddles incorrectly could cause serious damage to your car. Size up the water first, even if it means you have to stop your car and get out (getting a bit wet is a lot better than being left stranded). If the water is muddy, you might not be able to see the bottom and gauge its depth. Try and find a stick or an object to find the lowest point.

If you suspect it’s too deep, or you can’t be sure, always find another way to your destination. Modern vehicles’ door seals are good and keep water out, but this can make a car buoyant, meaning it could begin to float if the water gets too deep, leaving you stranded.

Even in this instance, the water will eventually find its way in.

If the puddle is shallow enough to drive through, try and spot any objects that may cause damage to your car’s wheels, tyres or suspension, potentially leaving you mid-puddle with a problem.

This way, you can pick a safe path across. Once you have confirmed you can drive through the puddle and determine your route, keep your vehicle in a low gear (second is generally adequate) and the engine revs up. This will help you maintain momentum when you travel through the puddle, creating a bow wave so you don’t get bogged down. Once you exit the other side — and especially if the puddle is on the deep side — pause for a moment if you can let any excess water drain away and flow back to where it came from.

If you can’t, be aware that grip levels on the road ahead will be diminished, as fluid from the puddle is dropped along the tarmac by other cars.— Wires

It’s always worthwhile gently brushing your brake pedal on exit, creating some friction and therefore heat to evaporate off any excess moisture.

Some luxury vehicles can sense when you have navigated a puddle and automatically do this for you, keeping braking performance as effective as possible.

Shallow puddles are not the most arduous obstacles to overcome, but it’s still important to remember that on the other side of a puddle, grip levels could be lower.

Adjust your speed to suit the depth of the water, too.

If the obstruction is deeper, take more time and care when crossing it.

A few minutes of planning could save you plenty of time — and money — in having your car repaired.

And never attempt to drive through fast-flowing water, you could easily get swept away.

What to do if you break down in the rain

If you break down in torrential rain, keep the bonnet closed to avoid the electrical system getting soaked.

Statistics show breakdown numbers increase significantly during periods of wet weather, as the damp causes problems with the engines and electrical systems, particularly in older vehicles.

If your engine cuts out after driving through deep water, do not attempt to restart it, as engine damage may occur.

Instead, turn on the hazard lights, call for assistance and have the vehicle professionally examined.

Catastrophic flood-related engine damage is typically caused by water being sucked into the engine, which causes the engine to lock up (mechanics call it an ‘air lock’) and can, in turn, damage important engine components such as piston connecting rods and valves.

This inevitably means a new engine will have to be fitted, but what people generally don’t understand is that it is the owner who is likely to have to foot the expensive garage bill, unless they can demonstrate to their insurer, like in any accident, that it was not their actions that caused the damage. — Wires