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Source: Econet’s DPA targets 50MW solar energy boost in Harare – herald

Business Reporter

ECONET InfraCo, through its renewable energy arm Distributed Power Africa, is scaling up its clean energy investments after applying for a licence to construct a 50-megawatt solar plant in Harare.

The utility-scale project marks a significant expansion for the newly restructured, Victoria Falls Stock Exchange-listed infrastructure giant as it aggressively builds out its independent green energy capacity.

The application has been lodged with the Zimbabwe Energy Regulatory Authority (ZERA).

According to a public notice issued by Victoria Falls Stock Exchange-listed Econet InfraCo, the proposed solar project will be located at Godavery Farm in the Hatfield suburb of the capital.

DPA is a leading pan-African renewable energy company specialising in solar energy solutions for commercial, industrial and telecommunications customers.

It was originally built on Econet Wireless Zimbabwe’s extensive experience operating power systems and battery backups for its mobile network base stations.

Currently, DPA manages critical energy infrastructure across several African nations, including South Africa, Kenya, Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Locally, its prominent commercial footprint includes major industrial installations such as the 1MW Schweppes Zimbabwe rooftop plant in Willowvale, a 1,8MW hybrid facility at Tanganda Tea’s Ratelshoek Estate in Chipinge and various green energy projects for corporate clients like Delta Corporation and Stanbic Bank.

“Distributed Power Africa intends to generate electricity from the proposed solar plant and supply its customers,” said Econet InfraCo.

The proposed 50MW Godavery Farm development marks a significant scale-up for DPA into large, utility-scale grid supply.

The investment transitions the company beyond its traditional “behind-the-meter” commercial and industrial installations towards directly feeding the national electricity grid.

DPA intends to utilise the electricity generated from the Godavery Farm facility to supply its growing commercial and industrial customer base.

The company would design and deploy tailor-made, engineered energy solutions that are customised to meet the specific customer requirements.

To integrate the new power source into the national network, the project will require a substantial infrastructure buildout, including the construction of a 132/33kV substation on-site at the farm.

The green energy project will connect to the grid through the construction of an approximately 9-kilometer, 132kV single “lynx” overhead transmission line.

This line will link the solar plant directly to a proposed new switching station situated along the existing Dema-Coleford 132kV transmission line.

As part of the statutory regulatory process, ZERA has opened a 14-day window for public consultations, allowing interested stakeholders and residents to weigh in on the utility project.

The proposed investment comes at a time when Zimbabwe is actively diversifying its energy mix away from traditional thermal and hydro dependency. 

Persistent climate-induced droughts have severely curtailed hydropower output at the Kariba Dam hydroelectric plant, while the country’s aging coal-fired plants at the Hwange thermal complex face recurrent operational bottlenecks.

In response, Government and private energy players are leaning heavily on solar energy, backed by Zimbabwe’s exceptional solar irradiation levels that average over 3 000 sunshine hours annually.

Under the National Development Strategy (NDS2) and the National Renewable Energy Policy, Zimbabwe is targeting 26,5 percent renewable energy penetration in the national grid mix.

While Independent Power Producers (IPPs) have historically developed smaller captive installations for internal corporate use, ZERA’s active licensing pipeline features dozens of huge new solar projects.

Major projects driving this transition include utility-scale inland initiatives like the Gwanda Solar Project (100MW), localised urban networks and proposed floating solar installations on Lake Kariba. 

ZERA has licensed nearly 171 Independent Power Producers (IPPs). However, funding and development challenges mean only about 48 are currently operational, while others remain at different stages of construction, feasibility, or funding.

The energy regulator has licensed numerous IPPs to bridge the national power deficit, of about 2 200MW at peak demand, attract private investment to bypass government financing constraints and diversify energy sources toward renewables.

Zimbabwe produces an average of 1 400MW, through State-owned hydro and thermal power stations, leaving a substantial gap for private players to plug the gap.

The post Econet’s DPA targets 50MW solar energy boost in Harare appeared first on Zimbabwe Situation.

Source: Nearly 4 000 small-scale farmers trained in digital agric – herald

Theseus Mauruki Shambare in MHONDORO-NGEZI

Nearly 4 000 small-scale farmers across Zimbabwe have been trained in digital farming under a Food and Agriculture Organisation project aimed at modernising agriculture and closing the digital gap between rural and urban areas

The training programme, being implemented under the Digital Villages Initiative (DVI), has so far reached 3 879 rural producers through digital agriculture literacy trainings in Mashonaland West and Masvingo provinces.

The initiative is being rolled out in Mhondoro-Ngezi District and Bikita District, where digital hubs have been established to provide free internet access, digital literacy training and technology-based agricultural advisory services.

The programme is part of a broader regional project covering Zimbabwe, Malawi and Rwanda titled Fostering Digital Villages Through Innovative Advisory and Profitable Market Services in Africa (FDiVi).

During a digital agriculture programme tour and the certificate handover ceremony in Mhondoro-Ngezi, recently, stakeholders revealed that the initiative sought to improve productivity, market access and information flow among rural farmers through technology-driven solutions.

Authorities said the project was targeting key challenges affecting rural communities, including weak adoption of digital agriculture technologies, limited internet access, youth unemployment and growing gender gaps in digital inclusion.

Addressing farmers during the tour, Fostering Digital Villages Through Innovative Advisory and Profitable Market Services in Africa (FDiVi) food security monitoring and digital agriculture specialist, Mr Dowsen Sango said the project was helping rural farmers integrate Artificial Intelligence (AI) and digital tools into everyday farming activities.

He said farmers were now using AI-powered platforms to identify crop diseases, detect livestock health problems and make informed production decisions by simply taking pictures using smartphones.

“We are moving agriculture from traditional guesswork to informed decision-making powered by technology. Farmers are now able to take pictures of diseased crops or sick animals using their phones and receive instant feedback and recommendations through AI-supported platforms,” said Mr Sango.

He said the initiative was also enabling farmers to use social media and digital marketplaces to source affordable agricultural inputs, compare prices and secure buyers before production.

“Digital agriculture is not only about production, but also profitability. Farmers are now linking directly with input suppliers, transporters and buyers through online platforms and social media groups. This allows them to compare prices, identify reliable suppliers and produce for ready markets,” he said.

Mhondoro-Ngezi District Agricultural Business Advisory Officer (ABAO) Ms Nola Marumbwa said the initiative was strengthening extension services by allowing farmers to access quicker, data-driven agricultural support while improving linkages between producers, suppliers and markets.

“We are seeing farmers becoming more confident in making farming decisions because information is now easily accessible through digital platforms. Instead of waiting for physical visits, farmers can quickly identify crop diseases, seek livestock health advice and interact with extension officers using smartphones and AI-supported applications,” said Ms Marumbwa.

She said digital platforms were also helping farmers become more market-oriented and business-focused.

“Many farmers are now using WhatsApp groups and online platforms to compare input prices, identify genuine suppliers and connect with buyers before production. This is helping communities reduce losses, improve planning and increase profitability,” she said.

Mr Sango said the programme was helping reduce exploitation by middlemen while improving access to agricultural knowledge in remote communities.

“We want rural farmers to participate competitively in modern value chains. Access to information is becoming as important as access to land and water. Through digitalisation, farmers are improving productivity, reducing losses and increasing incomes,” he said.

Under the programme, farmers are being introduced to mobile-based agricultural services, online market systems and Artificial Intelligence-enabled advisory platforms.

The initiative has also piloted AI-powered agricultural advisory services and trained agricultural extension specialists from 25 districts on the use of generative artificial intelligence tools in farming systems.

Government departments, local universities, private sector players and mobile network operators are working together under the initiative to strengthen digital transformation within rural agrifood systems.

Digital hubs established under the programme are operating through existing infrastructure, including ZimPost District Information Centres and AGRITEX Ward Information Centres.

Officials said the hubs were improving rural access to internet services, digital tools and agricultural information.

The programme has also introduced a “Digital Champions” model in which selected early adopters are trained and later assist communities in adopting digital farming technologies.

One of the farmers trained under the AI-supported agriculture programme, Ms Gladys Vakira, said the technology was changing how farmers handled crop and livestock management.

“Before this programme, if crops developed strange diseases or animals became sick, we had to wait for extension officers or rely on guesswork. Now we can take pictures using our phones and receive guidance through AI tools and digital platforms,” she said.

Ms Vakira said farmers were also benefiting from online business networks created through WhatsApp and other social media platforms.

“We are now connected to suppliers and buyers through digital groups. Farmers are sharing information on seed prices, chemicals, feeds and available markets every day. This helps us buy cheaper products and plan production based on available markets,” she said.

Another beneficiary, Mr Tauya Nyangwaira, said the training had exposed farmers to modern agricultural business practices.

“We have learnt that farming today is no longer just about producing crops, but understanding markets and using information correctly. Through social media and digital platforms, we are now able to look for customers before harvesting,” he said.

Mr Nyangwaira said younger farmers were showing growing interest in agriculture because of the integration of technology and innovation.

“When young people see farmers using smartphones, internet platforms and AI tools in agriculture, they begin to appreciate farming as a modern business with opportunities for growth and income generation,” he said.

The programme has further established digital fairs bringing together rural farmers, agri-entrepreneurs and technology service providers to facilitate interaction and adoption of digital services.

The post Nearly 4 000 small-scale farmers trained in digital agric appeared first on Zimbabwe Situation.

Source: Madzibaba veShanduko acquittal not a victory for justice but an indictment of the weaponization of the law

Tendai Ruben Mbofana

The acquittal of prominent opposition activist Godfrey Karembera, widely known as Madzibaba veShanduko, after eight grueling months in a Zimbabwean prison is not a victory for justice.

If you value my social justice advocacy and writing, please consider a financial contribution to keep it going. Contact me on WhatsApp: +263 715 667 700 or Email: mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com

It is an indictment of a broken system.

To celebrate his release as a triumph of judicial fairness is to completely misunderstand the calculated cruelty of modern authoritarianism in Zimbabwe.

The magistrate’s ruling that the state failed to produce a shred of evidence linking Karembera to any crime simply confirms what was obvious from the very beginning: there was no case to start with.

Yet, an innocent citizen lost nearly three-quarters of a year of his life to a cold concrete cell.

In Zimbabwe, the law is no longer a shield for the innocent; it has been systematically re-engineered into a weapon to blunt dissent.

The tragedy of Karembera’s eight-month incarceration is that it represents a predictable, state-sanctioned script.

It is the playbook of pretrial punishment, where bail is weaponized and the process itself becomes the sentence.

The regime knows fully well that many of these politically motivated charges will never survive the scrutiny of a proper trial.

The objective is never a legitimate conviction.

Instead, the goal is to neutralize, traumatize, and bankrupt perceived opponents of the state before they ever get their day in court.

By the time a higher court inevitably overturns a conviction, or a lower court is finally forced to acknowledge a complete lack of evidence, the state has already achieved its true purpose.

The activist has been removed from the streets, their resources drained, and a chilling message sent to the rest of society.

This pattern of malicious prosecution is the norm, not the exception.

We have witnessed this exact strategy deployed against Job Sikhala, who endured nearly two years of pre-trial detention in a maximum-security prison before being acquitted of the core charges against him.

We saw it with Jacob Ngarivhume, Fadzayi Mahere, and investigative journalist Hopewell Chin’ono.

Each of these individuals faced a barrage of arrests, repeated and arbitrary denials of their constitutional right to bail, and lengthy detentions, only for the state’s cases to crumble upon closer inspection.

The institutional memory of Zimbabwe’s legal system is now stained by these high-profile examples of lawfare—the misuse of legal systems and principles against an enemy.

What is most disturbing about this trend is the complicity of institutions meant to safeguard the rule of law.

It defies reason that cases completely devoid of prima facie evidence—the bare minimum required to justify a trial—are routinely accepted by the national prosecuting authority and allowed to proceed through the courts.

Lower courts frequently act as conveyor belts for state overreach, rubber-stamping state objections to bail on the flimsiest of grounds.

While the eventual overturning of these convictions on appeal is often cited by state apologists as proof of judicial independence, it actually proves the exact opposite.

It highlights a deeply compromised lower judiciary that is either too terrified or too captured to uphold the constitution when political pressure is applied.

The independence of the judiciary cannot be measured solely by the corrective actions of higher courts after months or years of unlawful detention.

True judicial independence must be felt at the point of first contact—at the initial bail hearing, where a citizen’s liberty hangs in the balance.

When magistrate courts consistently disregard constitutional provisions regarding the right to bail, they cease to function as independent arbiters of justice and become extensions of the ruling party’s security apparatus.

We must question how these groundless charges pass through the gates of the legal system in the first place.

The failure to weed out malicious prosecutions at the inception of a case is a structural collapse of institutional integrity.

A captured judiciary does not always wear a uniform; it manifests in the quiet cowardice of legal officers who prioritize political compliance over constitutional fidelity.

When the law is used as a tool to silence peaceful protests, stifle political mobilization, and punish figures like Madzibaba veShanduko for merely supporting an opposition movement, the social contract is entirely severed.

This systemic weaponization of the courts erodes public confidence in the legal system, creating a dangerous environment where citizens view the courts not as arenas of fairness, but as instruments of persecution.

The case of Godfrey Karembera must serve as an urgent, unyielding call for deep reform within Zimbabwe’s justice system.

The international community, civil society, and ordinary citizens must look past the superficial optics of an acquittal and demand accountability for the eight months of stolen liberty that preceded it.

We must collectively reject a status quo where the state can arrest without consequence and detain without evidence.

The weaponization of the law to punish dissent must end.

Zimbabweans deserve a judiciary that protects their constitutional rights rather than one that acts as the executioner of their freedoms before a trial even begins.

• Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. To directly receive his articles please join his WhatsApp Channel on: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaqprWCIyPtRnKpkHe08

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Source: Revival of SADC Tribunal must be in good faith: Not a cosmetic shield for the ruling class

Tendai Ruben Mbofana

The high-level meeting of the Southern African Development Community Committee of Ministers of Justice and Attorneys-General in Victoria Falls, running from 1 to 5 June 2026, presents a critical turning point for the region.

If you value my social justice advocacy and writing, please consider a financial contribution to keep it going. Contact me on WhatsApp: +263 715 667 700 or Email: mbofana.tendairuben73@gmail.com

On the agenda is a matter that strikes at the very heart of regional accountability and the rule of law: the long-awaited revival and re-operationalisation of the SADC Tribunal.

As justice ministers and attorneys-general deliberate on landmark legal instruments, they must confront the historical injustice of the court’s suspension and choose the only legal, direct path to resurrecting it.

The history of the SADC Tribunal is a sobering reminder of how easily regional accountability can be sacrificed on the altar of political expedience.

Established as an essential judicial organ, the tribunal was explicitly designed to ensure compliance with human rights, access to justice, and good governance across the 16 member states.

Crucially, it functioned as an extraordinary court of last resort, granting individual citizens and private entities direct access to sue their own governments for human rights violations once domestic remedies were exhausted.

It was a vital safety net for ordinary people challenging state power.

However, this progressive mechanism for regional justice faced a brutal backlash when it dared to rule against state-sanctioned violations.

Following the landmark 2008 ruling in Mike Campbell (Pvt) Ltd and Others v Republic of Zimbabwe, which found the host nation’s race-based land seizures to be discriminatory and in breach of the SADC Treaty, the executive leadership retaliated.

Instead of enforcing the court’s binding orders, regional heads of state acquiesced to pressure from Harare.

In 2011, the SADC Summit effectively suspended the tribunal, executing a de facto paralysis by refusing to reappoint or replace judges whose terms had expired.

This orchestration deliberately stripped the court of its quorum and left citizens without regional recourse.

The legal gymnastics that followed—including a cynical 2014 protocol attempting to restrict the tribunal’s jurisdiction strictly to inter-state disputes—have been thoroughly exposed and condemned.

Landmark judgments by the South African High Court and Constitutional Court laid bare this scheme, explicitly characterizing the suspension as an unlawful conspiracy designed to eviscerate state accountability.

As the courts correctly observed, the SADC Tribunal remains extant and its founding legal instruments remain operative and binding under international law.

The suspension was merely a factual obstruction, not a permanent legal dissolution.

Now, with the Committee of Ministers of Justice and Attorneys-General exploring the re-operationalisation of the court, the critical question is how this revival will be achieved.

There is a dangerous inclination to subject the resurrection of the tribunal to a protracted protocol amendment and ratification process.

History warns us that this is a recipe for perpetual paralysis.

Regional protocol ratifications are notoriously slow, bogged down by a well-documented “ratification stupor” that serves as a convenient bureaucratic graveyard for human rights enforcement.

To condition the tribunal’s revival on a new round of state ratifications would be an exercise in bad faith, ensuring that justice remains denied indefinitely.

The correct, bona fide approach is remarkably simple and already enjoys historical precedent.

Back in April 2011, during a meeting in Swakopmund, Namibia, the Committee of Ministers itself resolved that the tribunal was properly constituted and recommended the immediate reappointment and replacement of its judges.

This remains the only valid mechanism required to lift the de facto suspension.

Filling the judicial vacancies immediately restores the court’s quorum and honors the binding treaty obligations that all member states are required to fulfill in good faith.

A glaring double standard highlights the absurdity of pursuing a convoluted protocol route.

At this very same Victoria Falls summit, the committee is tasked with appointing judges to the SADC Administrative Tribunal, a separate body handling internal employment disputes between the SADC Secretariat and its staff.

For the administrative tribunal, no protocol amendment is deemed necessary; the vacancies are simply filled.

Treating the primary SADC Tribunal differently by shackling its revival to a lengthy amendment process is untenable and inconsistent.

If SADC can seamlessly maintain its internal labor court, it must show the same commitment to the court meant to protect millions of citizens.

Regional development, international trade, and foreign investment depend heavily on a predictable and transparent legal environment underpinned by the rule of law.

A fully functional SADC Tribunal, complete with individual access, is essential to shed the region of a development-inhibiting negative image and foster a genuine African renaissance.

Civil society organizations, including the Southern African Agri Initiative, are entirely justified in demanding that the committee reassert its 2011 stance and facilitate the immediate appointment of judges.

The ministers meeting in Victoria Falls must resist the temptation of dilatory tactics and choose the path of courage, consistency, and constitutional integrity.

It is time to return to the foundational principles of the SADC Treaty and resurrect the region’s ultimate shield for human rights and justice.

• Tendai Ruben Mbofana is a social justice advocate and writer. To directly receive his articles please join his WhatsApp Channel on: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VaqprWCIyPtRnKpkHe08

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DELISTINGS from the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) and Victoria Falls Stock Exchange (VFEX) may constrain the country’s capacity to channel domestic savings into key sectors, experts say.

Africa Economic Development Strategies (AEDS), a Zimbabwe-based development think tank, says the growing number of companies leaving the ZSE and VFEX is a cause for concern.

AEDS said the delistings highlight significant structural challenges in the country’s stock exchanges, raising questions about the role of the equities markets in supporting long-term economic growth.

Stock exchanges play a critical role in modern economies by enabling companies to raise long-term capital for expansion, industrialisation and innovation while providing investment opportunities for pension funds, institutional investors and ordinary citizens.

A vibrant stock market promotes corporate transparency, improves liquidity and channels savings into productive sectors, supporting employment creation and broader economic development.

However, AEDS said that the markets’ susceptibility to value erosion, currency instability and perceived risk in recent years undermined their effectiveness in performing these functions.

The central bank has, since April 2024, made significant progress in stabilising the domestic currency, highlighted by single-digit annual inflation (3.8 percent) and the accumulation of over US$1.4 billion in foreign currency reserves and gold.

The exchange rate has stabilized around ZiG25 per US dollar, helping anchor price stability and reduce parallel market premiums from over 100 percent to just over 20 percent.

“Since 2020, more than 10 companies have delisted or initiated delistings from the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) and the Victoria Falls Stock Exchange (VFEX).

“These are exits from public markets altogether — distinct from companies that migrated between the ZSE and VFEX, which represent repositioning within the market rather than departure from it,” said AEDS in its first-quarter report.

“The exits span telecommunications, manufacturing, hospitality and retail. They are not isolated corporate events.

“They reflect a reassessment of whether the domestic equity market still performs its core economic function: preserving and compounding capital in hard currency terms.”

The economic research and advisory firm said some firms voluntarily exited the market after concluding that listing no longer supported their strategic objectives.

Others were forced out by weak valuations and limited access to capital.

“Some departures were voluntary — boards concluding that listing no longer served their capital allocation objectives.

“Others were distress-driven — companies that could not sustain listing obligations or access the capital markets for recapitalisation precisely because depressed valuations made equity issuance prohibitively dilutive.

“Both categories are consequences of the same underlying market dynamics, but they operate through different mechanisms and carry different implications. The arithmetic is stark.”

AEDS said the ZSE had suffered a dramatic destruction of market value over the past four years, largely driven by policy uncertainty and exchange rate instability. – Herald

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