UK Secretly Debated Deposing ‘Depressingly Fit’ Mugabe as Zimbabwe Crisis Deepened, Files Reveal

LONDON — Newly released UK government records reveal that British officials once seriously debated how to end Robert Mugabe’s long and turbulent rule in Zimbabwe — including briefly considering the unthinkable: military intervention. Declassified documents from the UK National Archives show that in 2004, at the height of Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis, British diplomats […]

LONDON — Newly released UK government records reveal that British officials once seriously debated how to end Robert Mugabe’s long and turbulent rule in Zimbabwe — including briefly considering the unthinkable: military intervention.

Declassified documents from the UK National Archives show that in 2004, at the height of Zimbabwe’s political and economic crisis, British diplomats described President Robert Mugabe, then 80, as “depressingly fit” — a testament to his surprising vitality despite age and mounting global criticism.

At the time, Zimbabwe was already deep in turmoil: rampant hyperinflation, widespread human rights abuses, violent land seizures, and repeated rigging of elections by Mugabe’s ruling Zanu-PF party had crippled the economy and alienated much of the international community.
TASS

Internal Foreign Office discussions examined a range of responses, from tighter sanctions and diplomatic pressure to more drastic proposals. One memo even suggested that, if other measures failed, Britain might have to do “to Mugabe what we have just done to Saddam Hussein,” a reference to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. But officials quickly concluded that any military action would be unworkable — lacking international support, risking high casualties and offering no clear exit strategy.

Brian Donnelly, the UK’s outgoing high commissioner in Harare, painted a grim picture of Mugabe’s grip on power in a farewell dispatch, noting that the veteran leader showed “no signs of being forced out by ill health” and remained “focused on his own agenda.”
Financial Times

A subsequent options paper, drafted by Kara Owen for then-Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, concluded that force was “not a serious option” and warned that punitive measures such as freezing Zimbabwean assets could be politically counterproductive — giving Mugabe a propaganda tool to blame Britain for economic hardship.

Instead, the UK adopted a strategy of international isolation, rallying diplomatic pressure while offering discreet support to democratic opposition groups. Prime Minister Tony Blair backed this cautious approach, endorsing sustained criticism of Mugabe ahead of Zimbabwe’s 2005 parliamentary elections, with an eye to exploring engagement only after those polls.

The revelations underscore the diplomatic frustration in London at the limits of British influence over Zimbabwe’s trajectory. Scholars and commentators note that relations between the two countries had been strained for years — in part because of Zimbabwe’s controversial land reform programme launched in 2000, which saw white-owned farms seized without compensation and fuelled a bitter feud with Britain.
ZimEye

Mugabe remained in power until 2017, when he was removed in a military coup and replaced by Emmerson Mnangagwa. He died in 2019 at the age of 95.

The Africa Cup of Nations already knows which teams have made it to the knockout stage

RABAT, Morocco — Tanzania and Tunisia secured the last two available spots in the Africa Cup of Nations last 16 on Tuesday, completing the lineup before half of the groups had concluded their final games. Tanzania’s 1-1 draw with Tunisia in Group C wrecked Angola’s hopes of squeezing through as one of the best third-place […]

RABAT, Morocco — Tanzania and Tunisia secured the last two available spots in the Africa Cup of Nations last 16 on Tuesday, completing the lineup before half of the groups had concluded their final games.

Tanzania’s 1-1 draw with Tunisia in Group C wrecked Angola’s hopes of squeezing through as one of the best third-place finishers with just two points from Group B. Angola’s goal difference was better than that of Comoros, the third-place finisher in Group A.

Feisal Salum’s equalizer for Tanzania sent the Taifa Stars through. While Tanzania and Angola both finished with two points and a goal difference of minus 1, the goal scored by Salum, who is commonly known as Fei Toto, took Tanzania’s tally to three — one better than Angola’s two goals.

All the other group stage survivors were decided already on Monday because of Angola and Comoros’ relatively low points total. It meant teams that already had more than two points and were already assured of at least third place in their groups could be certain of reaching the last 16.

The four best third-place teams from the six groups progress, along with the top two in each. Head-to-head results are the first determining factor if two teams finish with the same amount of points in a group.

Here’s a look at which teams went through from the six groups:

Group A

Host nation Morocco progressed as the winner of Group A, followed by second-place Mali with just three points from three draws. Morocco next faces a third-place finisher from Groups C, D or E on Sunday. More importantly for the Atlas Lions, they will continue their run to the final in the almost 70,000-capacity Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, which will also stage the final on Jan. 18. Mali awaits Tunisia for a showdown in Casablanca on Saturday.

Group B

Seven-time champion Egypt booked its place after two games and won Group B to advance with South Africa in second, ahead of Angola. Egypt stays in Agadir and next faces a third-place finisher from Groups A, C or D on Jan. 5. South Africa faces a likely tough game against the runner-up in Group F on Sunday.

Group C

Nigeria was already sure of topping Group C before its 3-1 win over Uganda on Tuesday. The Super Eagles will remain in Fez for their first knockout game against a third-place finisher from Groups A, B or F on Jan. 5. Tunisia faces Mali in the last 16, and Tanzania progressed as the fourth-best third-place finisher.

Group D

Senegal, Congo and Benin were already sure of progressing before their final group games late Tuesday. In the end, Senegal topped the group on goal difference after its 3-0 win over Benin, while Congo finished second after a 3-0 win over Botswana. Botswana had already lost to Senegal and Benin and was certain of finishing last.

Top spot ensured Senegal stays in Tangier for its first knockout game on Saturday against a third-place finisher from Groups B, E or F. But the 2021 champion will be without suspended captain Kalidou Koulibaly.

Congo next faces Algeria, and Benin – like the other surviving third-place finishers – will face one of the group winners.

Group E

Algeria is certain to win Group E before its final group games, and Burkina Faso and Sudan are certain to advance because they cannot finish below Equatorial Guinea, which lost both games against them. Algeria will play Congo, the second-place finisher from Group D, on Jan 6. in the same Rabat stadium where it has played all its games so far. On Wednesday, Sudan play Burkina Faso and Algeria plays Equatorial Guinea.

Group F

Defending champion Ivory Coast, five-time winner Cameroon, and Mozambique are assured of progress from Group F. Gabon, sure to finish last, was already eliminated before the last round of group games on Wednesday, when the order of the top three teams will be decided. Ivory Coast plays Gabon and Cameroon faces Mozambique.

Source: AP

South Africa coach Hugo Broos blasts lack of ‘AFCON vibe’ at Africa Cup in Morocco

RABAT, Morocco (AP) — South Africa coach Hugo Broos isn’t getting that usual Africa Cup of Nations feeling in Morocco. Broos, who led Cameroon to the title in 2017 in Gabon and took South Africa to third place at the 2023 edition in Ivory Coast, said Sunday there was a lack of enthusiasm for the […]

RABAT, Morocco (AP) — South Africa coach Hugo Broos isn’t getting that usual Africa Cup of Nations feeling in Morocco.

Broos, who led Cameroon to the title in 2017 in Gabon and took South Africa to third place at the 2023 edition in Ivory Coast, said Sunday there was a lack of enthusiasm for the 35th Africa Cup.

“In the Ivory Coast and in Gabon, every second of the tournament you felt that you were in a tournament,” Broos said. “The people were – when we went with the bus to train – the people were waving and they were with flags, and here you see nothing. So, I don’t know, but yeah, there is no vibe, there is no typical AFCON vibe. I don’t feel it here.”

The Belgian coach was speaking in Marrakech ahead of South Africa’s final group game against Zimbabwe on Monday. The Bafana Bafana opened with a hard-fought 2-1 win over Angola in Marrakech and then lost 1-0 to Egypt in Agadir.

Egypt is already through to the last 16 from Group B with a maximum six points from two games. It is followed by South Africa on three while Angola and Zimbabwe each have a point.

Angola plays Egypt on Monday and the top two progress from each group, along with the best third-place finishers.

Organizers have struggled to fill stadiums and the weather hasn’t helped. There has been heavy rainfall every day of the tournament, except for Thursday when there were no games on the Christian holiday of Christmas Day. Morocco is a predominately Muslim country.

The tournament was originally scheduled for the summer, but it was pushed back to winter so it wouldn’t clash with FIFA’s new Club World Cup played in the United States.

Even Morocco games, which were all sold out, have featured empty seats with touts blamed for snapping up tickets, frustrating fans’ efforts to get access to the near 70,000-capacity Prince Moulay Abdellah Stadium, where the home team is playing all its group games.

Security at other stadiums has allowed fans free entrance after kickoff to increase attendance. It has led to supporters without tickets waiting outside on the assumption they will be allowed in.

“Nobody came to see the game South Africa-Angola,” Broos said after criticizing the arrangements for his team’s subsequent match against Egypt. “It was chaos before the game … they blocked everyone, even people with tickets. They couldn’t enter in the stadium because there was a crowd of people who didn’t have a ticket and who were allowed to come in.”

Broos praised the “nice stadiums” – all nine were newly constructed or renovated for the tournament – but said the atmosphere at the 2025 Africa Cup was uncharacteristically “cool.”

“If they don’t let the people free in the stadium, there is nobody,” he said. “Nobody is coming to watch the game South Africa-Zimbabwe.”

Morocco is also a co-host for the 2030 World Cup.

Source: AP

Tarooka is opening new frontiers for African handcrafters with warehousing in the USA.

WHEN Freeman Chari emigrated to the United States, like most Africans in the Diaspora, he began giving back to communities in Zimbabwe. He managed to convince Zimbabweans across the world to contribute towards building schools in remote areas and started a non-profit called Citizens Initiative. While they were building a secondary school at Masibinta in […]

WHEN Freeman Chari emigrated to the United States, like most Africans in the Diaspora, he began giving back to communities in Zimbabwe. He managed to convince Zimbabweans across the world to contribute towards building schools in remote areas and started a non-profit called Citizens Initiative.

While they were building a secondary school at Masibinta in Binga, he realised that the area, although poor, had talented weavers whose baskets are popular all over the world. The makers are not the ones benefiting from their skill. Freeman then decided to start tarooka.com

Tarooka solves the challenge of access to market by providing both warehousing facilities in the USA and an online marketplace that charges minimal fees. Artisans have an option to bulk ship their products to Tarooka’s warehouse once their store has been approved. The platform fees for this group is 12.5%

For a select group of artisans who are unable to ship their product, Tarooka has been providing shipping services at no charge to them. The platform then charges 20% of the gross price of the product when it is sold.

Tarooka is also not just available for African makers; local handcrafters in the USA can also create stores and sell on the platform. Unlike marketplaces like Etsy, Tarooka does not charge any listing fee. A US maker can open a store for just $10, and the transaction fee is 6.5%.

Tarooka is set to revolutionise the market for handcrafters, providing them with a fair and accessible global platform. By eliminating prohibitive costs like listing fees and providing critical infrastructure like US warehousing and subsidised shipping options, Tarooka ensures that the skilled artisans—whether from remote areas in Zimbabwe or within the US—are the primary beneficiaries of their craft, forging a direct path to prosperity and wider market recognition.

 

 

 

 

A Reward Is Not a Strategy: What the Guruve Killings Now Demand From the State:

Source: A Reward Is Not a Strategy: What the Guruve Killings Now Demand From the State: For the first time in months, the State has visibly reacted to the terror that has gripped Guruve since October. The Zimbabwe Republic Police have announced an intensified manhunt. Specialised units have been deployed. Soldiers have been seen patrolling […]

The post A Reward Is Not a Strategy: What the Guruve Killings Now Demand From the State: appeared first on Zimbabwe Situation.

Source: A Reward Is Not a Strategy: What the Guruve Killings Now Demand From the State:

For the first time in months, the State has visibly reacted to the terror that has gripped Guruve since October.

The Zimbabwe Republic Police have announced an intensified manhunt. Specialised units have been deployed. Soldiers have been seen patrolling alongside police formations. Most recently, the Police Commissioner issued a public appeal offering a “substantial” financial reward to anyone who provides information leading to the arrest of the named suspect.

This response deserves acknowledgment. It signals movement. It signals recognition. It signals that the killings in Guruve are no longer being treated as isolated incidents.

But acknowledgment must not be mistaken for conclusion.

Because the question Zimbabweans must now ask is no longer whether the State is responding — it is how it is responding, what logic guides that response, and whether it matches the scale and nature of the crisis unfolding in one rural district of our country.

Sixteen people — possibly more, according to unconfirmed local reports — have been brutally murdered within roughly eighty days. Women and children have been attacked in their sleep. Entire families have been wiped out. Villages have been paralysed by fear. Communities have reorganised their lives around night vigils, group sleeping arrangements, and constant dread.

This is not ordinary crime. It is organised terror.

When a Reward Becomes the Centrepiece:<

The announcement of a financial reward is, on the surface, a reasonable policing tool. Rewards can assist investigations. They can unlock information. They can encourage reluctant witnesses to speak.

But when a reward becomes the headline response to serial killings, it quietly reveals something deeper about how the crisis is being framed.

A reward is a reactive instrument. It helps solve a crime after the fact. It does not stop killings in real time. It does not reassure terrified families that the night will pass safely. It does not signal that the State has seized control of a situation that has already escalated far beyond normal criminality.

In moments of sustained violence, a reward should complement strategy — not substitute for it.

More troubling still is the vagueness of the offer. The amount is undisclosed. The conditions are unclear. The framing subtly shifts urgency from the State to the citizen: bring information, and you will be rewarded.

But people living under fear do not need incentives. They need protection. They need certainty. They need to know that the State is not merely hunting a suspect, but containing a threat.

The Problem of Trust and the Question of Identity:

Compounding anxiety is the controversy surrounding the suspect’s identity. The photograph circulated by police has reportedly been rejected by relatives and villagers as incorrect. Whether this dispute is valid or not is not the central issue.

The issue is confidence.

In rural communities already traumatised by violence, precision matters. Accuracy matters. Trust matters. A single misstep in identification can fracture cooperation, fuel rumours, and deepen fear. It can also expose innocent people to suspicion or retaliation.

In crises of this nature, community confidence is not a public relations concern — it is an operational necessity.

The State cannot afford uncertainty where terror already reigns.

Uniforms Without Explanation:

There is now a visible security presence in Guruve. Police Support Unit. Specialised investigators. Soldiers.

Visibility matters. It reassures. But visibility without explanation also unsettles. What is the mission? Who is in command? What zones are secured? What benchmarks define progress?

Silence invites speculation. In frightened communities, speculation breeds panic.

Security deployments must be accompanied by clear, consistent communication — not just press statements in Harare, but daily, local briefings that tell people what is being done, why it is being done, and what comes next.

Uniforms deter only when purpose is understood.

Leadership and the Weight of Presence:

At the national level, something else is missing. Voice. There has been no direct address from the Head of State on the Guruve killings. The President is reportedly on annual leave. The Acting President has appeared at routine public and religious events, projecting normalcy in a moment that is anything but normal for families in Mashonaland Central.

This observation is not an accusation. It is an appeal. In any country that claims peace as a national identity, the sustained killing of civilians in one district demands symbolic leadership as much as operational response.

A short address. A visit. A declaration that this is a national concern.

These are not theatrics. They are stabilising signals. They tell citizens that their lives are visible, that their fear is acknowledged, that the State understands the gravity of what is happening.

Leadership silence, even when procedural, lands as distance.

What Seriousness Would Look Like:

If Guruve is to be treated with the seriousness its tragedy demands, several measures should now be non-negotiable:

A formal declaration of Guruve as a special security zone until the threat is neutralised.

• Establishment of a permanent on-site command centre coordinating police, intelligence, and community leadership.

Daily public briefings — even if there is little progress — to maintain trust and transparency.

Visible victim support mechanisms for affected families, beyond crime-scene responses.

These are not extraordinary demands. They are standard responses to sustained, patterned violence.

Why This Matters Beyond Guruve:

How a State responds to violence in a rural district is a measure of how it values rural lives.

If killings of this magnitude can stretch over months without triggering national urgency, then peace becomes a slogan rather than a lived reality. Safety becomes selective. Citizenship becomes uneven.

Zimbabwe cannot afford that.

A nation is not judged by how loudly it celebrates unity or peace days. It is judged by how urgently it confronts violence when it appears — especially when it appears far from the cameras, far from capital cities, far from political spectacle.

The people of Guruve are not asking for miracles. They are asking for seriousness.

A reward may help catch a suspect. But only strategy, leadership, and urgency will stop the terror.

And that is what this moment now demands.

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